Divinity, Heroism, and Construction of Identity:

A comparative study of the Epic of Gilgamesh and the Book of Exodus

Mohammad Fuad AlJishi

Ian Assmann asserts that “the past is modeled, invented, reinvented, and reconstructed by the present.”[1] In this perspective, developing a distinctive cultural identity necessitates the emergence of a coherent narrative that can recount and assimilate the past in light of the present reality. These narratives employ culture-specific elements such as divinities, and heroic figures so as to develop a national common identity. The goal of these literary pieces, as Assmann mentioned, makes their composition process inherently selective, if not innovative, as historical accuracy becomes irrelevant. Indeed, the authors resort to emphasize the relationships between humanity and the divine realm.  In particular, because of their prominent and mysterious nature, the involvement of the gods accentuates the literary text and elevates its status. Moreover, the interaction between the gods and humans is heavily facilitated by the introduction of heroic figures. Deemed to be exemplars that represent certain values, the protagonists emerge to symbolize the civilization as a whole. Their distinctive status allows them to interact with the divine and gain “exclusive knowledge,” which symbolizes divine blessings over the entire nation. In addition, the narrative also addresses the situation in which the gods abandon that civilization. In other words, the narrative essentially promotes national consciousness by appreciating the presence of the divine.

In this context, the Epic of Gilgamesh and the Book of Exodus emerge as literary masterpieces that celebrate civilization through communication with the divine. Both Moses and Gilgamesh brought order and introduced traditions of governing human society by acquiring divine wisdom from the gods. Both protagonists are perceived as the founders of their corresponding civilization. In other words, the two classic works, each in its particular context, highlight selective and refined sequence of events, which articulate efforts to establish an identity. Through the introduction of heroic figures that communicate with the divine realm, the authors of the two literary texts incorporate narratives of the past to present an ideal model that confirms a common identity and commemorates their particular culture and civilization.

To begin with, a comprehensive analysis of the two ancient texts entails identifying the period of time as well as the audience to whom the texts were written to. Becoming familiar with the location and surroundings of the authors of the texts enhances our understanding of the didactic narratives and the particular values associated with each of them. The time at which each text was finally composed influences the choice of which themes to emphasize and which ones to undermine.  Particularly, in each case, certain percussive events, which take place during the life of the authors, trigger them to account for their present time by reflecting on the past. For instance, scholars agree that the Torah didn’t take its final shape until the sixth century BC, after the destruction of the first Temple in Jerusalem and the exile of the Israelites to Babylon[2]. At that period of time, the Jewish community perceived the event as a punishment from God for the abandonment of the Israelites to the true teachings of Moses, and their abuse of the privileges given to them by God. Such discomfort with human nature and power emerges consistently throughout the narrative, as the biblical author tries to diminish the role of human beings. Even more, the many explicit commandments to “remember the time of slavery and exodus out of Egypt”, seem more reasonable when discussed in light of the exilic period. In fact, the theme of remembering fits coherently with the aspiration of the Biblical redactors, which is to remind their community of their distinguished status and commitment to a god they have forsaken.

Similarly, the Epic of Gilgamesh also engages a theme of memory. Though not as explicit as in the bible, which commands people to remember specific events and make these events a point of reference, the Epic too constantly refers back to the event of the Deluge and the antediluvian era, as if that event functions as a point of reference. In contrast to the biblical redactors, the authors of the Epic of Gilgamesh seek to emphasize human potential and the vast possibilities which heroes and human beings can accomplish. This emphasis reflects the time at which the epic was redacted or the people who it was written to. Most probably, the Epic was redacted at a time of triumph and power. Indeed, as Thorkild Jacobsen corroborates, the most complete set of tablets, on which the current Epic is based upon, were written in Akkadian language at about 1600 B.C, during the rise of Babylonian hegemony over the whole of Mesopotamia[3]. This period constitutes a period of peace and stability, something which barely happens in Mesopotamia because of the constant presence of competing powers.  What’s more, this period also constitutes the height of Mesopotamian culture. The Old Babylonian power unified the region and absorbed different cultures and attempted to infuse them together. Also, that period of time corresponds to the emergence of the code of Hammurabi, the first legislative text in Mesopotamia. Moreover, the Epic of Gilgamesh encompasses a number of separate prominent folktales which circulated Mesopotamia[4]. In fact, Andrew George asserts that “the Old Babylonian texts bear witness to a wholesale revision of Gilgamesh material to form a connected story.”[5] By incorporating different ancient folktales into one single text, the authors of the epic of Gilgamesh attempts to unify Mesopotamian diverse civilization into a culture with a cohesive identity[6]. In fact, the epic protagonist, Gilgamesh, symbolizes such unity, as he represents universal kingship mandated by the gods. Even more so, the epic can be seen as a celebration of the achievements of Mesopotamian civilization during the Babylonian period. For instance, as Jacobsen indicates, the episode of the “coming of Enkidu” is absent from the Sumerian prototype of the epic[7].In fact, “the arrival of Enkidu” was probably included in the Babylonian version, because the new Empire wanted to contrast the advancement of Mesopotamian culture with that of the primitiveness of those outside of civilization, especially now that it’s united under one rule. In his journey to Uruk, Enkidu is said to have grown up and that “his understanding broadened” once he entered the Mesopotamian cultural sphere. In other words, the Epic of Gilgamesh can be viewed as a national epic that reflects Mesopotamian culture. The many detailed descriptions of specific events, occasions, and cultural customs such as orphan places, worship style, economic activity, reveal the implicit nationalistic nature of the text.

Similarly, the Exodus narrative becomes the central event in Jewish culture[8]. By attributing rituals and relating traditional practices to the Exodus sequence of events, Jewish culture defines Exodus as the point of reference which the civilization identifies itself by. In fact, the author of the Book of Exodus, even in the beginning of the event, commands the Israelites to “remember this day in which ye came out from Egypt.”[9] In addition, the redactors deliberately dedicated more than half of the Book of Exodus to legislative teachings that are specific to the Israelite community. Such emphasis enhances not only the collective identity of the people, but also the commitment of the people to the exodus narrative. In other words, unlike the people of Mesopotamia, the Israelites during the exilic period didn’t have any independent state that would implement a common identity among them. During that period, the only memory of a national identity stemmed from the legislative literature, especially of that mentioned in the Book of Exodus. Most importantly, the detailed descriptions of the Mt. Sinai covenant and the construction of the Tabernacle illustrate the selectivity of the biblical redactor in emphasizing codes of law rather than historical accounts. Such selectivity doesn’t only deemphasize the heroic character of Moses, but also sheds light on the redemptive aspects of the narrative, which again serve the redactor’s purposes[10]. In particular, although the calf crisis separates itself as one of the more significant events that would later shape the nature of the relationship between God and the His people, the focus in the Book of Exodus is more on the redemptive components; namely, the construction of the Tabernacle. What’s more, not only does the meticulous construction of the Tabernacle represent the collective struggle of the tribe of Israel to redeem itself from its great sin, but it also symbolizes the formation of an identity and, on top of all, the eventual construction of the kingdom of Israel. In this regard, the construction of the Tabernacle is analogous to Gilgamesh’s construction of the walls of Uruk. Akin to the Tabernacle, the walls of the Uruk represent the “redemption” of Gilgamesh from his defiance to the gods and his quest for immortality. Evidently, the process of construction of identity is central to both ancient texts.

Despite their divergence in the storyline, the two ancient texts serve similar objectives. Unlike the tribe of Israel, the story of Gilgamesh takes place in a civilized urban culture. Therefore, the construction of the walls contributes not only to the separation of the enclosed people from their outer counterparts but also to the preeminent attitude of the inhabitants of the city, which in this case symbolizes Mesopotamia as a whole. In addition, Gilgamesh is said to have restored the original walls of the city of Uruk, which have existed during the antediluvian period: he “who restored the cult centers destroyed by the Deluge, and set in place for the people the rites of the cosmos.”[11] In this case, and similar to the slavery narrative in Exodus, the Mesopotamian civilization defines itself by the event of the Deluge, which functions as the pivotal point of reference. As indicated in the Sumerian King List, Mesopotamian ideology entails the belief that “kinship was lowered from heaven.”[12] This tradition is claimed to have been consistently followed in periods both before and after the Deluge. Indeed, the Epic of Gilgamesh narrates that it was Gilgamesh himself who restored the walls to their “primordial foundations”, and thus re-established the relationship between humans and the gods. Actually, Gilgamesh’s action is a reminiscence of the original antediluvian model, which Mesopotamians believed to be the best approach to governing human society[13].

Furthermore, in each literary work, both Moses and Gilgamesh emerge as remarkable heroes who figuratively built the foundations of the identity of their corresponding society. By claiming the ancient existence of their identity, as in Gilgamesh, or by tracing its roots back in history, as in Exodus, each protagonist employs a chronological narrative in an effort to rationalize the emergent identity which they endeavor to establish. However, the two figures are portrayed differently. In contrast to the focus on the individual struggle in the Epic of Gilgamesh, the Exodus narrative puts a greater emphasis on the collective struggle of the people of Israel than on that of Moses. Such variations mirror the differences between the structures of each of the two cultures. Namely, the audience which the Epic of Gilgamesh is written for constitutes a far more diverse and less united people than that of the Book of Exodus. Emphasizing the people in a Mesopotamian epic would be very challenging given the complex diversity of the people. Thus, the author introduced a Mesopotamian hero to create a national culture and overlook such diversity. On the other hand, the biblical redactor had to emphasize the uniqueness of the people of Israel as a whole as it was the most evident methodology of enforcing a separate identity. The introduction of a hero was not as necessary for serving the didactic purposes in the Bible, as it was in the Epic of Gilgamesh. Still, the role of Moses is central to the Exodus narrative. Influenced by the events of his time, the biblical redactor consistently expresses his discomfort in human power. Specifically, due to Moses’ heroic qualities, the biblical redactor is cautious not consolidate the didactic values in the Exodus narrative to the character of a single human-being. Moreover, Moses heroic nature is manifested in his involvement with the introduction of monotheism, the liberation and the nationalization of his people, and the legislative literature which he introduced to his people. Moreover, similar to Gilgamesh, Moses too is deemed to represent his people as a whole. For example, the Golden calf incident takes place during Moses sudden absence.  Apparently, the absence of “Moses” dismantles a nation, as if Moses is the source for the strength of the community. What’s more, Moses’ outsider stance in the Bible can be seen to reflect the fate of the community that he is building.

In addition, both texts narrate the story of each protagonist as if heroism “occurs only after a long history of heroic misdemeanors.”[14]On one hand, events in Gilgamesh’s early life expose his tyrannical attributes, which are climaxed by the murder of the guardian of the cedar forest, Humbaba, and the Bull of Heaven. On the other hand, despite his later piety, Moses has a history of murder, too. In this case, the characters’ misbehavior is introduced to indicate the remarkable “personal growth” that each individual had to go through before achieving their heroic status. Again, the notion of personal growth figuratively represents the rather destined progress of a civilization as a whole. Besides, those negative incidents have had positive implications because they induced the characters to reflect on their actions, and thereby, the characters became more contemplative and wise. Despite the differences in the scheme of the narratives, the authors deliberately incorporate heroic elements to strengthen the instructiveness of each literary text.

Moreover, in addition to heroic leaders, such identity construction process requires narratives that contain elements of culture-specific divinities. Specifically, Gilgamesh re-appropriates the relationship of the gods with the people so that civilization can flourish once again, while Moses brings down laws and rules which the Israelites have to adhere with so that God can fulfill his covenant with them and enhance their prosperity and peaceful existence. In light of that, the introduction of heroic figures provides a medium through which humanity can communicate with the divine realm. In fact, one of the main features that distinguish the protagonists of each text is their reception of wisdom. In this regard, Andrew George asserts that “the wisdom [Gilgamesh] brought back from his journey was more than personal knowledge,” as it is said in the Epic that he “saw the Deep, the country’s foundation”[15].  In fact it was this profound, mysterious and divine knowledge which allows Gilgamesh to play “a key role in restoring the antediluvian order after the Flood, particularly in restoring the cults of the gods to their proper glory”:

 The rites of Sumer, forgotten there since distant days of old…

[After the] Deluge it was you made known all the tasks of the land.”[16]

Likewise, Moses greatness in Exodus is only due to his ability to converse with God: “And the lord spake unto Moses face to face, as a man speaketh unto his friend.”[17] In both texts, it seems that divinities “took a personal interest in the affairs” of men of prowess[18] (page xxxi). For example, Moses is the only man among the Israelites who is conversant in Egyptian culture since he was raised as an Egyptian. Similarly, in addition to being a son of a goddess and belonging to an elite class, Gilgamesh excels in defeating the strongest of all men. Such interest in men with great aptitude probably suggests that the divinities are concerned with the extent of the ambitions of these men. In fact, the Exodus narrative expresses the extreme discomfort of the God of Israel with any person, such as Pharaoh, or even objects that call for the attention of people. Taking that into consideration, the Exodus narrative enforces a definitive separation between the divine and the human race. Although such fundamental disconnection doesn’t exist in Mesopotamian religion, the Epic of Gilgamesh eventually establishes and demonstrates a distinction that resembles the one present in the Bible. In particular, at the end of his journey and before his return to the city of Uruk, Gilgamesh realizes “his place in the divinely ordained scheme of things.”[19] In fact the epic, the Epic’s conclusion denotes that Gilgamesh’s ultimate wisdom is due to his recognition of the true position of humans determined by the gods. More importantly, the two ancient texts express the profound, if not absolute, authority that divinities have over the identity and the survival of a civilization.

In particular, the notion that people’s actions must conform to the divinities’ desires to maintain harmony and peace constitutes the central theme of both literary works. Specifically, in the Epic of Gilgamesh, one of the major incidents that induced Gilgamesh to journey the land seeking immortality was the death of Enkidu, which was the result of his abuse of power and interference with the will of the gods by murdering the guardian of the cedar forests, who was assigned by the god Enlil. “A similar disregard for the divine powers characterizes the next episode, in which Gilgamesh repudiates the goddess Ishtar with gratuitous insults and then fights and kills the celestial bull she hopes will avenge her. The gods, driven to act by the repeated violation of their order, doom Enkidu to die young and without a family, in fulfillment of Humbaba’s dying curse”[20] On the other hand, the narrative in the first twelve chapters of the Book of Exodus surrounds the antagonist: Pharaoh. In this case, Pharaoh is depicted as an individual with great prowess who arrogantly rejects the god of Israel.  By triggering the fury of God, Pharaoh as well as his Egyptian civilization become under the threat of annihilation because of the great plagues that the god of Israel struck them with. Similarly, the creation and worship of the Israelites of the golden calf presents a betrayal of the covenant between the people and their god. As a result, the Israelites experience God’s wrath because of their disobedience.

Despite the above common characteristics, and reminiscent of the heroic representation, the nature of divinity reflects the identity of each text’s audience. Specifically, divinities constitute mirror images of the structure of each society. Since the two epics fulfill didactic purposes of identity formation, each of them makes every effort to achieve such goal. For instance, in the case of the Israelites, the easiest and most comprehensible technique to unite them is to bring them under one god. However, in the case of Gilgamesh, the inherent diverse nature of the Mesopotamian people forces the existence of many gods. Still, the different gods are considered to be connected to one another by levels of kinship, so as to present them as a coherent family. Particularly, each Mesopotamian city centers itself around a temple, which is dedicated to specific gods. In fact, at the end of the Epic, Gilgamesh substantiates the presence of the temples and the practice of rituals. In comparison, the Book of Exodus concludes with construction of the Tabernacle, which is placed in the center of the community. Symbolizing the dwelling of the god of Israel in the Tabernacle, the cloud, which had appeared repeatedly far from the community, settles now in the middle of the camp right on top of the Tabernacle, symbolizing God’s redemption and deliverance of the people[21].

Evidently, the texts set the first encounters between humans and the divine as points of reference. These encounters can be viewed as covenants between humanity and the divine so as to confirm the humbleness of man. Later that point of reference becomes an integral part of the developing identity of that particular civilization. The point of reference becomes a narrative that involves heroes, conflicts and, on top of all, divinities. What is claimed to be a present phenomenon is traced to the past, a past which is connected to the presence through a journey that is guided by divine providence. In particular, the two ancient texts reflect extensive divine involvement within human history and earthly life. In the Epic of Gilgamesh, most of the characters involved are either gods or demi-gods. Likewise, in the Book of Exodus, the claimed author of the bible is God and the central figures are also of sacred nature such as Moses and Aaron. Furthermore, based on Exodus narrative, the Israelites are able to build a nation. Additionally, based on Gilgamesh’s realization of the significance of the gods and how they’re ultimately two separate worlds, the antediluvian era is restored and civilization can flourish again. In essence, by writing down those stories, and producing idealized versions of history, they didn’t only determine or help shape the identity of their corresponding societies, but they also determined what their civilizations will be remembered by.

Works Cited

1. Assmann, Ian. Moses the Egyptian: the Memory of Egypt in Western Monotheism. London: Harvard University Press, 1997.
2. Collins, John J. Introduction to the Hebrew Bible. Minneapolis: Fortress Press.
3. Jacobsen, Thorkild. The Treasures of Darkness London: Yale University Press, 1976.
4. George, Andrew. The Epic of Gilgamesh: the Babylonian Epic Poem and other Texts in Akkadian and Sumerian. New York: Penguin Classics, 2003.
5. Nahum M. Sarna, Exploring Exodus: the Origins of Biblical Israel.New York: Schocken Books.
6. Texts from the Beginnings to the First Dynasty of Babylon, Historiographic Documents: The Sumerian King List. c. 2100 BC

---

[1]Ian Assmann, Moses the Egyptian: the Memory of Egypt in Western Monotheism. (London: Harvard University Press, 1997) 9.

[2]John J Collins, Introduction to the Hebrew Bible. (Minneapolis: Fortress Press) 13.

[3] Thorkild Jacobsen, The Treasures of Darkness (London: Yale University Press, 1976) 195.

[4] Thorkild Jacobsen, The Treasures of Darkness (London: Yale University Press, 1976) 210.

[5] Andrew George, The Epic of Gilgamesh: the Babylonian Epic Poem and other Texts in Akkadian and Sumerian. (New York: Penguin Classics, 2003) xxi.

[6]  Andrew George, The Epic of Gilgamesh: the Babylonian Epic Poem and other Texts in Akkadian and Sumerian. (New York: Penguin Classics, 2003) xvi-xvii.

[7] Thorkild Jacobsen, The Treasures of Darkness (London: Yale University Press, 1976) 214.

[8] Nahum M. Sarna,  Exploring Exodus: the Origins of Biblical Israel. (New York: Schocken Books) 3.

[9] The King James Holy Bible. (Philadelphia: National Publishing Company, 1978) Ex 13: 3.

[10] Nahum M. Sarna,  Exploring Exodus: the Origins of Biblical Israel. (New York: Schocken Books) 3.

[11] Andrew George, The Epic of Gilgamesh: the Babylonian Epic Poem and other Texts in Akkadian and Sumerian. (New York: Penguin Classics, 2003) xlviii.

[12] Texts from the Beginnings to the First Dynasty of Babylon, Historiographic Documents: The Sumerian King List. (c. 2100 BC)

[13] Andrew George, The Epic of Gilgamesh: the Babylonian Epic Poem and other Texts in Akkadian and Sumerian. (New York: Penguin Classics, 2003) xlix.

[14] Andrew George, The Epic of Gilgamesh: the Babylonian Epic Poem and other Texts in Akkadian and Sumerian. (New York: Penguin Classics, 2003) xlvi.

[15] Andrew George, The Epic of Gilgamesh: the Babylonian Epic Poem and other Texts in Akkadian and Sumerian. (New York: Penguin Classics, 2003) xlvi.

[16] Andrew George, The Epic of Gilgamesh: the Babylonian Epic Poem and other Texts in Akkadian and Sumerian. (New York: Penguin Classics, 2003) L.

[17] The King James Holy Bible. (Philadelphia: National Publishing Company, 1978) Ex 33:11.

[18] Andrew George, The Epic of Gilgamesh: the Babylonian Epic Poem and other Texts in Akkadian and Sumerian. (New York: Penguin Classics, 2003) xxxi.

[19] Andrew George, The Epic of Gilgamesh: the Babylonian Epic Poem and other Texts in Akkadian and Sumerian. (New York: Penguin Classics, 2003) xlvi.

[20] Andrew George, The Epic of Gilgamesh: the Babylonian Epic Poem and other Texts in Akkadian and Sumerian. (New York: Penguin Classics, 2003) xlvii.

[21] The King James Holy Bible. (Philadelphia: National Publishing Company, 1978) Ex 40:34-38.

Critical Review of R. M. Schwartz book "The Curse of Cain"

Though written by me, the below text doesn't reflect my personal opinion and belief, but should be perceived  only as a critical assessment of Regina M. Schwartz's book: 
The Curse of Cain: The Violent Legacy of Monotheism (1997), a study of identity and violence in the Hebrew Bible, which was nominated for a Pulitzer Prize.

Monotheism: a Paradoxical Path

Although it’s individuals who compose the larger society, it’s the memory of the society that stands to be most influential. In his book, Schwartz asserts that such a concept of “collective memory” along with our ancient biblical tradition have resulted in most our perceptions of the world. Certainly, the scriptualization of historic events affirms the role of cultural memory. Specifically, Schwartz argues that Biblical scriptures have had distinctive negative influences over our society which wouldn’t have taken place if those traditions didn’t emerge. Even though the writer makes use of ancient examples to further analyze the text and establish his point he fails to recognize that his argument includes all religions instead being exclusively targeting monotheistic traditions. Still, Schwartz intelligently underlines the features that characterize monotheism from other systems of belief.

To begin with, throughout the first part of his book, and by using certain examples, Schwartz asserts that violence in the name of religion has existed prior to the emergence of monotheism. However, the author ignores that fact, and throughout his biblical analysis he makes the claim that monotheism is inherently more violent than other religions. For example, after introducing the concept of the “other” and how it’s constructed in the Biblical tradition, Schwartz remarks that “if there were no identity shortage, if Israelites could be Egyptians too, for instance, there would be no need for aggressive or defensive gestures to protect their space” (p. 20). Actually, this indicates that identity formation or “nationalism” or even ethnocentrism have preceded the coming of monotheistic tradition. Again, a fact that Schwartz doesn’t emphasize. What’s more, Schwartz comments that the structural basis and details of the biblical covenant between God and the Israelites resembles that of most ancient near-eastern traditions. The concept of the “imbalance of power[s]”, as Schwartz puts it, was the driving force for any political ideology in the ancient near-east. For instance, the political scheme of Egypt was based on the disproportionate distribution of wealth and resources. In other words, the Egyptian Pharaoh had to control the allocation of resources in order to affirm his absolute power on the state. To legitimize such authority the Pharaohs had to employ an ideology that would facilitate his rule, to the Pharaohs, as to most politicians, religion is the key ideology that has a higher probability of a lasting and profound influence on masses.

Furthermore, even when Schwartz analyzes the concept of “God-given” identity of the Israelites, he fails to acknowledge that both the Sumerians kings and the Egyptian pharaohs asserted such claims. For example, in ancient Egyptian mythology, the pharaoh symbolized Egypt itself. The well-being of Egypt is assured by the safety and honor of the Egyptian pharaoh. What’s more, the pharaoh claimed that he himself functions as a mediator between this world and the heavenly gods. The mummy-cult in Egypt is due to the fact that Egyptian religion believed in the immortality of the pharaoh. Specifically, just as the identity of Egypt was in the Pharaoh, the identity of Israel in their God: “you’re my own people, my very own” (p. 18). Here, we see that the manner in which the God of Israel addresses and introduces himself in the Bible is similar to that of the Pharaoh to the people of Egypt. Both of them communicate and assert their identity on similar basis.

Moreover, it’s indeed true, especially in our current events, that monotheism, as Schwartz puts it, have “left a troubling legacy of the belief in land entitlement” (p. 42). However, Schwartz misses the fact that even though monotheism emphasized such a legacy, it didn’t create the concept itself. It’s not only the bible or monotheism which introduces to us the first model of nationalism. The construction of the other preceded the emergence of monotheism. Ancient civilizations, such as Egypt and Mesopotamia (the first on earth) have used religion in the same authoritative manner. Indeed, it’s very true that our modern perception of identity and nationalism ore our definitions of “who’s the ‘other’” is heavily influenced by Biblical traditions and content. However, that doesn’t mean that had monotheism didn’t emerge that our current perceptions would change dramatically. Certainly, our designation of self-identity and who’s the ‘other’ would be different. Yet, the concept of nationalism would still exist in one form or another.

In addition, the argument of the translatory nature of polytheism requires further examination. In this context, translatory means the ability to trace the same god, for example of fire or sun, among different religions, though named differently. The translatory gods are often manipulated by the rulers who enforced them to assure their particular sovereignty. Particularly, competing kings would associate their kingdoms with a particular set of Gods against the other set of gods which their enemy has identified with. Hence, isolating monotheism and confining the argument to it neglects historical reality. In fact, it’s not only monotheism that enforces identity and the construction of the other. It has been historically proven that, since the beginning of civilization, religion, in general, was initiated to enforce a common identity among its adherents that would differentiate them from others.

Although Schwartz’s argument over-emphasizes the role of monotheism in establishing hatred and violence, he still identifies the exclusive features that distinguish the monotheistic tradition from any other system of beliefs. In fact, Schwartz most successful argument is the “Universalism vs. Particularism”.  To explain, religion in general isn’t inherently violent. The existence of different gods or none, although can and have been abused throughout history, doesn’t implicitly suggest animosity or hatred. However, religion does become a breed of hatred when a god or a religious system defines itself upon the rejection of other gods and denies their very existence. Particularly, Schwartz argues that the first case represents a universal perspective that facilitates coexistence while maintaining individuality. Indeed, this is why he refers to polytheism as “cosmo-theism”. In fact, religious tolerance is rather feasible in the midst of the first case. On the other hand, the monotheistic traditions produce more violence, as Schwartz claims, because hostility to the "other” is fundamental to the construction of their identity. For example, Egypt is the defining entity on which the identity of Israel is built opposed to. In fact, the redactors of the bible have repeatedly employed the “normative inversion” narrative in composing the biblical literature, in which you remember what you oppose in order to remember yourself. Such usage of the “normative inversion” narrative is celebrated in the most critical theme of monotheistic literature. In the Ten Commandments Egypt appears again twice; once explicitly in the first and then implicitly in the second of the commandments.

In theory, Schwartz’s claims constitute a logical argument. Yet, historical preview of the pre-20^th century proves that monotheistic age (represented by Judaism, Christianity, and Islam) is no more violent than the “Cosmo-theistic” age that preceded it, if not less violent. However, Schwartz “Universalism vs. Particularism”” argument applies most distinctively to our current reality. In no other previous times, have monotheism threatened the survival of humanity on earth than it does now. Conversely, polytheistic religious traditions have contributed negligible harm or hostility, if any, to the world. In this context, Schwartz’s exclusive attack on monotheism proves to be successful and most applicable to recent history.

In this context, the opposition of other gods or religions in monotheistic traditions entitles not only hostility but rather a feeling of being threatened. Because of such opposition, monotheism has always depicted its origins in the form of “escaping threats.” Here, the idea of a culture or a religion “set a part” from their environment, is heavily inspired by the storyline of the heroic figures of these religions. For example, all the leaders of monotheistic faiths, including Muhammad, Bahaullah, Jesus, Moses and even Abraham, are exemplars of the concept of a “man a part.” In other words, all these leaders posses a foreign element to the people who they’re leading and all of them are in the end rejected. The most prominent one of these is Moses. Although Moses is the hero and the establisher of Israel, he is constantly reminded by the fact that his wife in not an Israelite. In fact, Moses himself didn’t grow to be an Israelite; he was an Egyptian. Additionally, throughout the Torah Moses is heavily portrayed as constantly feeling threatened, and in the end he’s not even buried with his people. The fact that Moses’ grave was never known to the Israelites reflects the paradox of monotheism. In other words, Moses life-story constitutes nothing but a mirror image of Israel, and, thereby, monotheism. Specifically, the people of Israel were, just as Moses was, in constant threat from the surroundings which they oppose. In fact, Moses death as a stranger within his people can be reflected in the Israelite own fate: being strangers in their own land.

Additionally, Schwartz extends his argument and pursues a philosophical approach to elucidate the trouble with monotheistic traditions. He explains that our current concept of scarcity that is inherent at every level in our human societies originates with the emergence of the biblical tradition. The paradoxes of exodus, conquest, land and kinship all represent elements of the “insufficiency” of life. In particular, Schwartz argues that our perceptions of the world would be vastly different had we adopted a philosophy of “abundance” rather than “scarcity”.

In essence, modern society, even in secular terms, has been immensely inspired by biblical monotheism. In this manner, one must be careful to distinguish “monotheism” from “Abrahamic monotheism”.  Although most people are familiar with the latter only, monotheism has preceded the existence of Israel. Akhenaton, the Egyptian pharaoh who ruled about 1450 BCE, was the first to initiate and establish a monotheistic religion with only one god and its name was Aton: the god of light. Although Akhenaton started such tradition, his failure to properly employ a “normative inversion” allowed his religion to completely collapse after his death. Although he’s a historical figure, whose existence is substantiated by archaeological evidence unlike that of Moses, Akhenaton didn’t refute his one God against the other gods but he was rather “silent” about them. Conversely, Moses, a solely mythical figure, established himself as a heroic figure that persistently appears as a figure of memory. Such heroic nature is manifested in his involvement with the introduction of monotheism, the liberation and the nationalization of his people, and the legislative literature which he introduces to his people. Markedly, it’s in those three features that our current “secular” society perceives itself unconsciously. It’s in this context that Moses appears to be a truly influential mythical figure.

Nationalism and the Utilization of Religion

The three readings, which include Schwartz’s “Curse of Cain, Herzl’s “The Jewish State”, and Christian Karner’s article, tackle the issue of religiously related nationalism from various perspectives. By introducing the concept of a primordial nation or people, both Schwartz and Karner attempt to narrow the concept of nationalism and rather view it as an ideological view of history. In particular, Hindutva is the term that Karner uses in reference to Hindu-nationalism. Moreover, Hindu nationalism promotes the unity of the Indian subcontinent under the flag of Hinduism. By maintaining that India from its very origins is defined by the Hindu-religion, Hindu nationalists attempt to create an ancient historical back ground to their claims. In such cases, nationalism establishes its principles on a very particular and ideologically generated understanding of history.

Further, one tool in which an ideological foundation always proves to be influential is religion. Since the 19^th century, nationalist movements have often times demonstrated such use of religion. Despite the fact that their incentive is usually a material need, such as land or resources, religion can inspire a great part of their ideology. In other words, even though nationalist movements begin secularly, as to satisfy a material need, primordial movements turn to religion because it seems to be more appealing, profound and influential. Superficially, Indian, Jewish and Arab nationalism illustrate the increasing interest of nationalist movements in employing a religious tone into their propaganda. First, by the end of the 19^th century and the beginnings of the 20^th Indians, Jews, and Arabs faced the challenge of developing a common identity in which they can define themselves with against another ethnic group. For the Arabs and Indians such questions didn’t come to existence until the decline of the colonial powers that controlled their regions. For the Arabs, the collapse of the Ottoman Empire resulted in a political vacuum. Although later ruled by foreign powers, namely France and Britain, it was under such political disruption that Arab nationalism came to existence. Similarly, Indian nationalist agenda came to rise under the severity of British colonialism. In fact, Indian nationalism evolved over a period of more than 50 years, during which the Indian sub continent was trying fiercely to resist British occupation. Likewise, a similar analysis can be traced upon Jewish nationalist movements.

Moreover, all of those three ethnicities faced a common question which they struggled to address. Namely, “Who is a Hindu”, “What does it mean to be an Arab”, “what makes me Jewish”. Such questions were proposed because of the inherent nature of nationalism calls for addressing them. In other words, Defining Indian-ness and setting exclusive boundaries to such a concept wouldn’t merely narrow the model but it would deepen its influence over the masses. On the other hand, such questions are, as in the case with the Jews and Arabs, are imposed rather than been sought after. Specifically, as Herzl’s mentions in his article, the common characteristics among the Jewish people, who were in Diaspora at that time, were rather imposed on them than being chosen to be shared. He says that “We are one people; our enemies have made us one without our consent.” Such analysis can also be traced back to the creation of Arab, and particularly, Palestinian identity. In particular, the Palestinian people didn’t recognize themselves as one people until the collective memory, which all Palestinians now share, of the “Nakba,” the Palestinian exodus took place.

Furthermore, in the cases of Indians, Jews, and Arabs, it’s this concept of a glorious past that had been shredded away by foreign imperialist ambitions that founds the identity of each people respectively. The Exodus, both in the Jewish and Palestinian literature functions an emotionally strong symbol of unity under oppression. Because of the lingering struggle that a people have to undergo to liberate themselves from oppression, nationalist movements realize that a more profound ideology is needed to function as a stronger incentive for the masses. After realizing the ineffectiveness of their secular ideology, they become more prone to use religion as part of their vision. In this context, religious literature provides a movement with a stronger authority over the people. In other words, religiously-motivated nationalist propaganda deeply attracts believers and appeals to their own religious commitments. Often times they seek religion as the last tool in which they can attain liberty and justice. For example, it wasn’t until the complete failure of secular pan-Arabism movements that Islamism overtook such popularity in the Arab World. Moreover, as with most nationalist propaganda, religious nationalism generates an ideologically driven historical narrative that includes an ideal model of the past coupled with strong loss and disintegration.

Dilmun: a Human Paradise

Dilmun: a Human Paradise

In the ancient near-east, several civilizations emerged and constituted the first cities in the world. In particular, the Arabian-Gulf region was to experience several of those civilizations in a very unique way. The region formed a medium in which within it the first civilizations of the world came into contact with one another. Specifically, the Arabian Gulf came to play a major role in the early development of those civilizations in the period from c. 3300 to c. 2200 BC, (Rice 1985, 8). This important role initiated the civilization of Dilmun. Furthermore, Dilmun was an ancient civilization that flourished from 3500 B.C. to 700 B.C. For over almost three thousand years Dilmun’s society experienced different phases and developed gradually into a more complex society that, indeed, contributed to the prosperity of its neighboring civilizations; namely in Mesopotamia, Persia, and the Indus Valley. Taking in consideration the changes that Dilmun experienced during that period, we can divide the history of Dilmun into five phases. The first is between 3500 B.C. and 3000 B.C. This phase was the formative phase of the civilization in which it first developed its trading relations with the Uruk civilization in Mesopotamia. Additionally, there was also an increase in settlements at that period. Secondly, from 3000 to 2300 BC., Dilmun flourished with the establishment of firm trade-relations with the Sumerians during the beginning of the Early Dynastic period in Mesopotamia. It was during this time that the notion of Dilmun’s ‘holiness’ began to infuse in the region. Thirdly, at 2300 BC. Sargon, the great, made his conquest of Dilmun and destroyed its cities. At about 2200 B.C. after the end of the Sargoinc dynasty, Dilmun began to flourish again, but this time in an attempt to strengthen its defenses, the state built walls surrounding their cities. During this period and until 1700 BC., Dilmun experienced tributary relations with both Old-Babylon and Elam. Fourthly, after the fall of the Elamites in Persia and the rise of the Kassites, Dilmun became under the rule of the Kassites in c.1500 BC. Finally, in the last period of Dilmun, and as revealed by Assyrian records, a durable system of kingship developed. By then, the kings of Dilmun substantiated the city-state structure of their civilization. To better understand the ancient and even modern history, scholars examine the social, religious, economic and political structure of each ancient civilization. Taking into consideration that the Gulf region witnessed the rise of the first civilizations on earth, this paper will study the different attributes of the society of Dilmun, and the elements it shared with those emerging civilizations.

            In the context of this paper, the Arabian Gulf is going to be divided into four major areas: Mesopotamia in the North, the Persian coast, which includes Elam and Kassite civilizations, Magan, referring to modern day Oman, in the South, and Dilmun on the East Arabian coast. “It would be reasonable to suggest that it was only in the later third millennium, when commercial contacts became more regular and more important, that sailors knew the seas well enough to be able to subdivide the great area to the south, known as the Lower Sea, into different geographical parts, each of which then received its own name” (Crawford 1998, 5)

            One of the major geographical and topographical advantages of the Arabian coast of the Gulf, over the Persian coast, is its flatness and the absence of mountains, high hills or rigid stones. Those advantages would later account for the intensity of information and activity found on the Western shores of the Arabian Gulf. Further, such conformity in the topography of the western shores of the Gulf would help account for the extent of the Dilmun civilization and culture. This identical topographical layout is not only evident along the north western shores of the Gulf but also among the neighboring islands, especially Bahrain and Failakah. Further, similar to the few exceptional oases in the neighboring Arabian coast, “much of Bahrain is desert, sharply contrasting with the northern limits of the island which are richly fertile” (Rice 1985, 126). In an attempt to connect Dilmun’s mythology to its environment Crawford proposes that “to the early voyagers a landfall near these groves must have seemed like an evidence of the protection of a powerful god, whose presence might be manifested at any moment” (Rice 1985, 128).  Such similarity between Bahrain and the Arabian coast imply that the state of Dilmun could have extended beyond the Bahrain Island to encompass the entire East Arabian coast. “The two areas are, of course, very close to each other both geographically and culturally. By the late third millennium the material cultures of the two were almost identical” (Crawford 1998, 5).

            The Eastern Province of Saudi Arabia and Bahrain, along with the Island of Failakah in Kuwait, define the limits of the Dilmun state. Beside the archaeological evidence, the goods that Dilmun was said to be export to Mesopotamia existed in small amounts on the Bahrain Island. Instead, the mainland of Eastern Arabia was a major resource for surplus exportation. In fact, Rice says that “the dates of Dilmun were always specially favored in ancient times and probably the best of them came from the oasis of Qatif and Hofuf in Saudi Arabia, another indication of the likely extent of Dilmun’s territories” (Rice 1985, 87). Furthermore, Crawford argues that the first contacts between Mesopotamia and Dilmun existed on the mainland ports rather on the island (Crawford 1998, 5). In fact, archaeological evidence indicate that Tarut the island, which is a two miles away from the mainland, served as port in which Dilmunite merchants from both the island and the mainland established colonies to exchange their goods (Rice 1985, 215). Also, there’s possible evidence that Tarut was used by Dilmun officials and administrators to monitor the shipment of goods, (Potts 1990, 67).   On the other hand, the Island of Failakah, which is about 200 miles away from the Bahrain Island, served as another port which was probably, due to geographical proximity, more specific to Mesopotamian related trade. Finally, Crawford asserts Dilmun extension throughout the gulf by taking later history of the area and comparing them to the ancient past of Dilmun: “further support for the suggestion that the same geographical name might have been used for both the islands and parts of the mainland come, by analogy, from the early Islamic period when the name Bahrain also covered large areas of the mainland” (Crawford 1998, 6).

Moreover, climatic changes can extensively affect the study of any civilization. On the one hand, droughts, and famines affect the farming industry by influencing the fertility of the soil. On the other hand, the change of sea nature affects the nature of harbors and bays and can, to a great extent, affect the fishing industry. Specifically, there used to be small rivers around the Alhasa and certainly Qatif Oases, which are on the mainland of Eastern Arabia that survived the early fourth millennium B.C.  Crawford comments that “these more hospitable conditions certainly allowed for the development of one large village site of fourth-millennium” (Crawford 1998, 9). The decline of such a lacustrine system from Eastern Arabia, in all probabilities, had a great impact on the economy. Such regression could also account for the decline of the Dilmun civilization as well as the Mesopotamian-Indus trade route. In this regard, Rice asserts that “the gulf is significantly lower today that it was in the fourth and early third millennium” (Rice 1985, 278). Crawford agree saying that “The changing sea levels would have had consequences for fresh water supplies as well as for the positioning of harbors and waterways” (Crawford 1998, 144). These changes must have had a deep impact on the availability of freshwater in those pure water springs. Further, Crawford argues that, through hydrostatic pressure, the variations of sea levels must have diminished such availability, (Crawford 1998, 9).

            To begin with, because all parts of the Dilmun civilization were surrounded by the sea, fish were the most vital ecological resource to the entire area, and it continuous to be so today. Fish was not only valuable for their meal-value, but they also were important in other industries as well. In fact, “fish was traditionally used in the Gulf region as a fodder for animals and as fertilizer, in addition to providing food for man himself” (Crawford 1998, 145). At the same time, the sea was not the only a source of fish but it was a source for Oysters. Rice confirms that and says that “Oyster middens of great antiquity on Bahraini and other sites suggest that the oyster beds were fished for pearls and not simply for an elegant addition to the diet of the region’s ” (Rice 1985, 20).

            On the other hand, the abundant fertile soils on the mainland and on the island made agriculture a basic resource for both the people of Dilmun and their neighboring nations: “It seems likely that Bahrain’s exceptional fertility and the fact that the island was well-wooded contributed to her value as a metal-working centre” (Rice 1985, 132). The economy of the region and its survival highly depended on the cultivation of dates and garlic (Rice 1985, 18). Further, the prominence of agricultural products such as dates, onions as well as timber suggests that the area had an exceptional unique character despite the fact that it was surrounded with arid deserts. The secret to such agricultural abundance is the extensive, and rather ‘magical’, presence of pure water springs all over the mainland and the island of Bahrain. Surprisingly, the water springs even existed in the midst of the desert, forming small oases. What’s more, the pure water springs also existed directly beside the very salty sea. Such ‘magical existence’ and dispersion of the water springs can contribute to evidence that accounts for the attached holiness to the land and how people of the surrounding lands, such as the Sumerians, deemed it to be a heavenly land. Also, what confirms such notions of holiness, beside the Sumerian texts especially the epic of Gilgamesh, is the presence of thousands of tombs dispersed all over the mainland and the island. Rice says that this suggests “that there must have been some sort of mortuary cult in Dilmun as a whole” (Rice 1985, 160).

Mythology and religion make all-embracing contributions to the culture of Dilmun. A key element in understanding the components that made up the Dilmunite society is examining the Dilmunite symbology. Diverse symbols are dispersed all over the archaeological evidence found in the land of Dilmun. Each of these symbols reflected both the ecological resources of the land and the material needs of the Dilmunite society. First, the Unicorn symbol, which was represented sometimes as a bull and others as Bucranium, held great significance in Dilmun’s mythology. Such significance might be attributed to the fact that the Oryx used to be a prominent ‘king’ of the Arabian deserts that surrounded Dilmun (Rice 1985, 122). As we shall see later, it appears to be that Dilmun’s priests used ‘harp bulls’ regularly as sacrificial objects. In fact, archaeologists found depictions on seals that reveal a bull and an axe in what appears to be a sacrificial position, (Rice 1985, 206). Secondly, the scorpion symbols, which, too, are widely popular in different pottery and seals, referred to the actual existence of them all over the Bahrain Island. In fact, scorpions are still widely dispersed all over Bahrain. It was also believed that scorpions and Bucraniums were used as a symbol of protection. Specifically, scorpions were found in great abundance in Diraz, a sight which is famous for its royal tombs (Rice 1985, 198). Thirdly, another animal that occupied a less prominent role in Dilmun’s symbology are birds.  At one of the famous and central temples in Dilmun, the Temple of Barbar, archaeologists found a bronze statue for a bird, (Rice 1985, 149). Apparently, birds were deemed as holy sky protectors of the temple. Another probability would be that they were sacrificed to the Gods: “There is evidence that animals were tethered to pierced stone blocks in the sacrificial area of the temple”, (Rice 1985, 206). Fourthly and one of the last prominent symbols is the ibex. It takes prominent presence on a considerable number of seals. In fact, on some of the seals, the ibex is placed in juxtaposition with other sky elements (Rice 1985, 199).

 In addition to being carved on to buildings, temples, pottery, and tombs, symbols were most valuable to the seals industry. This is because the seals industry was used not only in identifying dead people tombs and which families they belonged to, but more importantly used in trade: “The Dilmun seals are different in that they often contain groupings of apparently random elements; but the repetition of certain ones, the ibex, gazelle, goat, Bucranium, bird, tree, foot, scorpion and others in a variety of permutations, suggests that each element had a particular significance” (Rice 1985, 199). Most of the symbols that were prevalent around Dilmun expressed their cosmology. Symbols were attached to good and even concepts. Even more, many symbols honored the fertility of men and women and attached to certain animals, (Rice 1985, 199).

Other indirect symbols are mostly found when it comes to examining the physical positions of graves and religious temples. For example, parallel and right across from the strong and skillfully built doorways of the tombs you can watch the sunrise. This popular trend among the tombs suggests “elements of a solar faith, and the recognition of the son’s divinity” (Rice 1985, 161). One interesting fact is that the name of the sun-God of Dilmun, Shams in Akkadian language, which was used by Dilmun merchants suggesting their literacy, is the same word for the sun in Arabic. In fact, there are several other examples where the son came as a symbol of worship. On one of the Seals found on the Bahrain Island, there’s a depiction of two men drinking from the same pot and the Sun is centered above them. Scholars deem such practice, which is called the ‘symposium’, as a method of worship (Rice 1985, 202)

On the other hand, because of the significance of dates as both a source of food and a valuable trading good, palm-trees and dates are evident throughout Dilmun’s symbology. Specifically, palm-trees are also deemed to hold a significance that equals that of the sun, if not more. On another seal found beside the former one, there’s a depiction of two men “gesticulating (socially) at each other by a palm-tree, this time with the moon’s crescent riding over them” (Rice 1985, 202). Further, the appearance of the crescent on the seal in similar position as the sun in the former one also suggests that the moon held a significant part of Dilmun’s cosmology. In fact, the crescent held supreme importance in Arabian pre-Islamic symbology. Such significance might be traced to the ancient Dilmunites:

“The successive levels of Sin temples found at Khafajah show that from the earliest times, the moon-god was divinity to which worship was elaborately given. It has been observed that the moon is the prototype of the universal god to desert people and that the Semitic tribes followed this practice. Moon Temples were built by the pre-Islamic Arabs who, like their ancestors, considered the planet mild and beneficent and understandable view for a people who had to endure the daily torments of the sun at its height” (Rice 1985, 153).

Moreover, Rice and Potts both confirm that most of Dilmun’s mythology and religious practices were very similar to those of the Sumerians. Both the Dilmunites and the Sumerian had a deep veneration toward fish. In fact, Enki, who is the highest God of Dilmun and the symbol of Dilmunites in Sumerian texts, was associated with the fish, (Rice 1985, 104). Convincingly, fish-cults were established in the region since pre-Dilmun history, dating back to the Ubaids, (Rice 1985, 20). On the other hand, the presence of the pure water-springs, which was unique to the land of Dilmun, was heavenly incorporated into its religious mythology. For instance, in one of the Sumerian texts, Inanna, the goddess who is associated with Enki, and thus with Dilmun, herself announced ‘I am Inanna of the place where the sun rises’. This reminds us of the solar faith that Dilmun’s religion reflected. Also, later she says that she ‘washed her head in the fountain of Dilmun’. Rice claims that it might be a “reference perhaps to the many fresh water springs which may be found in the north of the island, and more surprisingly, in the sea itself which divides Bahrain from the mainland of Arabia” (Rice 1985, 103). On the other hand, it seems that the Dilmunites had complex beliefs of the after-life. Evidence of pottery, “Copper and bronze artifacts, swords, daggers and dress ornaments” in the tombs suggest that they believed in “means of sustaining the spirit after death”, (Rice 1985, 163). 

            On the other hand, throughout the Bahrain Island, which is deemed to be the capital of Dilmun, there are a number of building that still survive throughout the different cities of the Island. One of the most densely populated cities on the Island was a site now called Qala’at al-Bahrain. Moreover, one of the most significant attributes of the site, which reflect the particular building skills of the Dilmunites is that the walls of that surround the city and form the buildings were made “remarkably well” that they still survive for over four thousand years (Rice 1985, 132). In addition, the site contains a number of huge buildings which archaeologists believe that they were used as storage rooms for dates. Most probably, dates would have been stored in those warehouses until they’re used for different purposes, which include trade, juice-making, and cuisine, (Rice 1985, 88).

            Further, Dilmun was deemed to be a holy land and thus had to possess many temples, which were dispersed in different parts of the island and the mainland. One of the most famous temples in which archaeologists found extensive information regarding the religious beliefs and practices of the Dilmunites is the “Barbar Temple.” The temple covers a vast area which is surrounded by outer walls. Evidence of dog bones, suggested that dogs were used as guardians that can alert the priests for any disturbances, (Rice 1985, 145). Within the temple there’s a vast empty area that was designed, most probably, to accommodate the Dilmunites sacrificial practices to the Gods. Within this vast empty area, archaeologists found a small copper rattle, which they deemed to be used as musical instrument that would facilitate the priestly chanting, (Rice 1985, 128). On the other hand, inside one of the storage rooms within the temples, archaeologists found a great amount of silver, bronze, and copper deposits. “This, itself, is of some significance since the mercantile Dilmun, the secular counterpart of Dilmun the sacred land, depended on the copper trade for its exceptional prosperity” (Rice 1985, 145). Thus, inside the temple there are different practices that venerate the variety of resources which the survival of the civilization of Dilmun hinges upon. Further, this can even be seen as a celebration of life, and a veneration of a civilized way of life. Also, such presence of relatively luxurious artifacts and resources might signify a social or political power or influence that priests practiced over the people and the King of Dilmun. The fact that priests conducted rituals and ceremonies in a state of nudity, which usually characterizes royalty, supports such an argument (Rice 1985, 217). Even more, on several Dilmun seals there are depictions of sexual intercourse, (Rice 1985, 201). This also might indicate the possibility that “divine sexual intercourse” was part of their religious system.

            Moreover, right across from the storage room, archaeologists found a Well or possibly a bath.  “The well, like so much of Barbar, is constructed from finely cut stone blocks, from stone brought from Bahrain’s nearby island, Jidda” (Rice 1985, 144). In attempt to understand better the role of the well, Crawford identified channels that extend from the sacred well at the temple, (Crawford 1998, 63). Such channels can be seen as irrigation techniques that extend to the fertile soil of Dilmun originating from their religious temple. Such origination must be interpreted in terms of the notion of ‘Holly-Land’ that surrounds Dilmun. The agricultural industry is the main supplier of Dilmun’s trading goods. To ensure such fertility the waters that irrigate the soil must be blessed. On the other hand, this reminds us of the holly fountains that the Goddess Inanna claimed to wash herself with.

            Furthermore, because of the variety of resources and the needs to manage them, the society of Dilmun was rather more complex than we would imagine. In the beginning “we can suggest the presence of a relatively unstratified society, probably of diverse origins, abased in the main on the nuclear family as the basic unit” (Crawford 1998, 145). Later on, those small families became gradually specialized in different fields of industry, (Crawford 1998, 145). Because of the significance of trade, merchants became distinguished for their prestige, and thus a class of elites developed. Because of this increasing complexity of the Dilmun society, priests emerge as the true managers of the society. The priests, hence, secured the stability of the society and ensured the absence of any friction between the different classes of society. The ruling class, which includes the king, functions as national symbol of unity and pride. This royal class, most probably functioned as a symbol that offers a stronger common identity to the Dilmunites.  The king’s most valuable role is the management of Dilmun’s international relations with civilizations that extend as far and as important as Egypt (Rice, 1985, 64).

In regard of the different classes that existed in Dilmun, archaeological evidence suggests that the Dilmunites were not actually a stratified society. Instead, those different families, which later became extensive, seem to share an evenly-spread material repertoire.  Again, such a shared cultural sphere was probably utilized to develop a common identity for the Dilmunites. Also, as Crawford suggests, there was a localized distribution of goods all over Dilmun. Such distribution would have certainly promoted “economic interdependence”, (Crawford 1998, 145). Another factor that supports the semi-egalitarian structure of Dilmun’s society is their relative racial homogeneity. That’s not to say that Dilmun wasn’t diverse, but archaeological evidence of their skulls indicates that most Dilmunites “were Caucasoid in racial affiliation”, (Rice 1985, 159). Also the diet of the Dilmunites seem to be equally high in carbohydrates, which probably indicates that the dates, which Dilmun was famous for, represented a major part of their daily diet, (Rice 1985, 159). Additionally, examinations of skeletal remains suggest that Dilmunites didn’t experience any major diseases, and thus lived longer, in contrast to the rest of their region, (Rice 1985, 167).  This, along with the fact that Dilmunites were “taller than their present-day successors”, (Rice 1985, 158), would have been a reasonable factor for their neighbors to deem Dilmun as ‘holy’.

The different, specialized-families that composed the society of Dilmun occupied diverse jobs. First, there were the architects, who were responsible in building temples, monuments, trading ports, and possibly, royal palaces. Secondly, you have the class of the fishermen who compose the majority of the society of Dilmun, as they still do in modern times. There’s evidence which “indicates that a number of different fishing techniques were used and in addition to hooks, for which there is direct archaeological evidence, nets and traps were almost certainly known.” (Crawford 1998, 145) Thirdly, you have the class of farmers and peasants, though they’re not the largest, yet they compose a big proportion of the population. This class dealt with the cultivation of onions, garlic palm-trees, and possibly cereal. They also developed a variety of usages of dates: “The distillation of liquor also played a part in the early Dilmun economy and rooms specially designed for the pressing of date juice demonstrate the antiquity of a process which may still be seen in use in parts of Arabia” (Rice 1985, 1132). Fourthly, there’s the class of the metal and copper smelting people. As raw copper comes from the land of Magan to Dilmun through trade, a need for smelting arose. Following such establishment of smelting workshops all over Dilmun, helped it gain popularity in the ancient world as a center for producing bronze artifacts.  Fifthly, there’s the class which deals with cattle and domestication. This class supplies the state with the required means of land-transportation for the elites. It also supplies the religious-priests class with the required number of goats or unicorns which will be sacrificed to the gods. The sixth class is the one which deals with ship-building. Dilmun was famous for its ships, “Sargon speaks proudly of the ships of Dilmun riding fearlessly at anchor in the harbor of Agade”, (Rice 1985, 75). The seventh class is the religious class, the priests. As previously described, the priests didn’t only play a religious role, but instead they were the security forces whose job was to maintain the coherence of the Dilmun society. Crawford comments: “There is one other class of specialist for whom there is convincing evidence and that is the priest. The number and variety of temples is remarkable” (Crawford 1998, 146). The eighth class is that of the merchants, who were famous beyond Dilmun and all over the Gulf area. Ancient Babylonian texts reveal that, due to the reputable proficiency of Dilmun’s traders, they used their names as a synonym for ‘trader’, which they called “lu-tilmun-a,” (Rice 1985, 182). Finally, there’s the royal class which include the king. The so-called royal tombs in the center of the Bahrain Island demonstrate the existence of such a class. In fact, in one of those tombs archaeologists found, beside the bronze artifacts, a body position on “a bed decorated with ivory carvings and ornaments” (Rice 1985, 163).

In this regard, the presence of an Elite class, and even a royal family, is evident in the luxurious pottery and bronze artifacts, swords as well as intricate dress ornaments that archaeologists found in some of the tombs on the island of Bahrain. In this regard, Rice also mentions that those tombs were “exceptionally large” and that they were of “impressive heights”, (Rice 1985, 164). Additionally, Ur-Nanshe, the king of Lagash, is mentioned in one of the texts to “receive tribute from Dilmun in the twenty sixth century BC.”, (Rice 1985, 210). This indicates that not only did the land of Dilmun have a central authority, but that they also had a tributary relationship with the kings of Mesopotamia at that time. On the other hand, the elite class probably included the merchants who were engaged in heavy trade within Dilmun as well as surrounding civilizations such as the Sumerians, Elamits and the Indus Valley (Rice 1985, 182). As Potts suggests, merchants established colonies in the port cities which they traded with. Potts also claims that merchant moved back and forth with their families, (Potts 1990, 181). From such statements we can infer that traveling across nations was a practice that distinguished the elites from the commoners. Also, this may indicate that some of the royal family themselves engaged in trade. Both Rice and Crawford suggest that those merchant and their families, were literate since Akkadian was the language employed throughout the trading Gulf network. Because of the explosion of trade that occurred in the middle of the third millennium BC, the Dilmunites needed to keep track of their increasingly complex system of trade, (Crawford 1998, 94). In such context, scholars such as Crawford and Rice propose that the Dilmunites developed a system of writing, which could be highly similar to that of Mesopotamia. Possible evidence includes the use of stamp seals all over Dilmun. Stamp seals are most conveniently used with “perishable material such as palm leaves or parchment, using inks or dyes from natural sources such as cuttlefish” (Crawford 1998, 18).

Meanwhile, the diverse classification of responsibilities, which were well-spread among society according to the availability of resources, triggered Dilmun to develop a variety of skills and technologies that, as we will see, enhanced Dilmun’s role in the trading route in the Arabian Gulf. First, because of the abundance of palm-trees in the region, Dilmun utilized dates, which they deemed holy, in creating a special kind of juice. “The distillation of liquor also played a part in the early Dilmun economy and rooms specially designed for the pressing of date juice demonstrate the antiquity of a process which may still be seen in use in parts of Arabia” (Rice 1985, 132). Both the dates and the intoxicating juices were one of the top indigenous goods that Dilmun exported to the rest of the region.  In fact, palm-trees were not indigenous to Mesopotamia, and, archaeological evidence suggests that they were inherited and brought over from Dilmun, (Rice 1985, 54). Again, this would have been a very good reason that could account for the Sumerian veneration of Dilmun, especially that palm-trees were very significant in Sumerian mythology.  Apparently, the Dilmunites used the fibers of the palm-trees to create a type of linen. Potts provides evidence that Mesopotamian kings enjoyed those linens, especially in certain festivals. The skillful decorations of cult symbols and gods are evident on the linens, (Potts 1990, 183). Crawford agrees and says that “Date fibers woven into baskets and mats are good evidence that there was a plentiful local supply”, (Crawford 1998, 63). As mentioned before, irrigation techniques were definitely used in the island, especially that palm-trees were less prominent on the island than on the mainland. Also, the several Mesopotamian texts, which say that timber was heavily imported from the land of Dilmun itself, indicate that the Dilmunites must have developed extensive simple irrigation techniques, (Rice 1985, 81). Incidentally, because dates were of part of the Dilmunites daily diet, the remains of their teeth show cariosities. Surprisingly, to heal such caries, the Dilmunites developed sophisticated dental techniques: “A number of skulls have produced evidence of carious teeth extracted in life” (Rice 1985, 158).

On the other hand, fish was abundant all over the costs of Dilmun, and they symbolized Enki, the highest god of Dilmun. The increase in the population of Dilmun meant that more fish should be extracted of the sea. To satisfy those demands, the fishermen class developed different fishing techniques such as hooks, nets, and traps, (Crawford 1998, 145). Additionally, fishing techniques were, above all, important in the extraction of oysters, and thereby pearls, from the sea. “The Danish excavations identified  vast oyster middens on the island, dating back five thousand years and more, showing that the oyster was harvested from early times” (Rice 1985, 124). In addition, Crawford speculates that the Dilmunites used cuttlefish as writing material, (Crawford 1998, 18). Besides, there’s direct archeological evidence which reveals that Dilmunites used Fish as both fertilizer and fodder, (Crawford 1998, 9).

            In reference to the religious and secular buildings of Dilmun, there were probably different workshops that were dispersed all over the state to satisfy the needs of providing “fine-grained limestone-bricks” in every city. Notably, Dilmun is distinguished for such stone-bricks; especially since Mesopotamia were using clay at that time. Apparently, the Dilmun’s craftsmen skillfully followed the instructions of the architects who designed the cities’ buildings, (Rice 1985, 144). In agreement with this, Crawford says that “the seals, too, must have been produced by specialists, possibly from a single workshop in each area, in order to avoid repetition of designs” (Crawford 1998, 146). As mentioned before, there is ample evidence, which is found all over the state from the north in Failakah to the south in the mainland oases, of the existence of copper smelting shops.  In fact, Rice suggest that “small drills, of copper, bronze or stone were employed in cutting the  fine details of the design once the face of the seal had been prepared by grinding and polishing the surface” (Rice 1985, 195). No copper is naturally found in the land of Dilmun. Instead ore was shipped from Magan, at the port city of Umm an-Nar (current day Abu-Dhabi), through trade. This ore would probably later be distributed to the different smelting work-shops around Dilmun to convert it to ingot, (Rice 1985, 18). Moreover, ancient Mesopotamian texts claim that huge amounts of copper and bronze artifacts have been shipped from Dilmun. If this was true then Dilmun must’ve had an extensive smelting industry. In addition to having trade relations with Mesopotamia and Magan, archaeological evidence suggest that Dilmun received gold and iron from Egypt, carnelian from Ethiopia, Bronze from Zagros (in Persia) and silver from Amanus (in Turkey). What’s more, the same texts mention that Dilmun’s market places were filled, beside precious pearls, with semi-precious stones, ivory objects, combs, breastplates, ivory boxes, and ornaments for furniture, (Rice 1985, 81). In addition, archaeologists found copper rattles in some of the religious temples, suggesting that some of the priests formed a semi-orchestra during their rituals (Rice 1985, 128). Such findings indicate the level of skill and technology that Dilmunites achieved in the ancient times.

                                                Further, to facilitate both trade and fishing, the Dilmunite ship-builders developed special boats for fishing, and, also unique ships for long-distance trading, (Rice 1985, 78). All of those techniques were evenly distributed among Dilmun, even though the island was the center of the ‘nation’, especially around the important port-cities of the land of Dilmun: “The Tarut corpus includes nearly 200 with presentations of combatant snakes of felines, date-palms, scorpions, lions, or Imdugud birds(lion headed eagles), as well as a wide variety of naturalistic and geometric motifs, including the so-called ‘hut’ or temple facade, mat and rope weave, and cable, whirl, imbricate, and beveled square” (Potts 1990, 67).

            Above all, through trade, the Dilmunites were not only capable of gaining financial benefits. Instead, the Dilmun merchants traveled and exchanged goods with other civilizations. The most prominent trade relations are that with Mesopotamia and the Indus Valley civilizations, in which Dilmun functioned as a means of communication between the two distant civilizations. First, evidence of Arabian Gulf seals and metal artifacts confirm the travels of the Dilmun merchants and possibly suggest the existence of small merchant-based colonies in the Indus’ port cities, (Possehl, 227). What’s more, evidence which shows a startling resemblance between the Dilmun weight standards and that of the Indus Valley, also suggests that the Dilmunite merchants examined other civilizations and served a bigger role than just traders, (Possehl, 227). Further, many of the Dilmun seals were inscribed with characters of the mysterious Harappan script, ( Scarre 2003, 205). Even more, evidence of Monkey bones in Dilmunite lands, which weren’t indigenous to that area, suggest definite importation of exotic animals and products from the land of the Indus Valley, (Rice 1985, 201). Secondly, the trade relations with Mesopotamia, which were the earliest in the region, fundamentally initiated the development of the civilization of Dilmun. In addition to previously mentioned exported goods, Dilmun imported from Mesopotamia barely, cedar, oil, flour, silverware and fabulous dresses which were often selected by the king and queens themselves “in exchange for Dilmun’s copper and splendid dates” (Rice 1985, 177).

            In addition to their trade relations, Dilmun held a unique stance in Mesopotamian society. In fact, it was the frequent reference to Dilmun in the Mesopotamian text, especially the Sumerians ones, which triggered scholars to study such a civilization. In particular the Sumerians apparently studied the land of Dilmun and on the basis of their investigation they deemed the land to be holy. Rice says that “the subterranean waters of eastern Arabia and the central Gulf were a particularly powerful element in giving the region its reputation for sanctity and the special favor of gods” (Rice 1985, 103). Even though the Dilmun water springs didn’t affect them at all, the Sumerians believed that the Dilmun springs were the source of their rivers. According to their beliefs, the springs in the land of Dilmun were responsible for the vitality of their rivers, and thus Sumer. Also, the Sumerians wrote legends which indicate that Dilmun might have been their place of origin.  Actually, there’s archaeological evidence which suggest that there was an increase in population just before the start of the Early Dynastic period. Connecting the Sumerian legends with the evidence of migration might help better explain the ‘holy’ notions that seem to surround Dilmun. In other words, a migration of people from the Arabian Gulf region to Mesopotamian cities would definitely explain the “infusion of myths and legends which are centered on Bahrain-Dilmun”, (Rice 1985, 54).

            In conclusion, the society of Dilmun appears to have been made up of several fully urbanized settlements which interact with their surrounding smaller agricultural villages. This “craft-specialized society” was made up of different families divided into different classes according to their particular skills. Fisherman and pastoralists composed a large part of the society; yet administrators, merchants and metal-workers still represented a reasonable proportion of it, (Crawford 1998, 17). Taking that into consideration, we can conclude that Dilmun was a combination of city-states that were ruled by a King who symbolized the unity of the state. On the other hand, clearly, evidence suggests that the Dilmunites developed a cosmology of their own. The positioning of the ibex in juxtaposition with the sky, the arrangement of tombs along with the sunset, and the many central appearances of the sun on the seals, imply elements of a mysterious solar and even astronomical faith, (Rice 1985, 199).

            Furthermore, it would certainly be of great help if scholars considered the region as a whole rather than the Bahrain Island alone. A collective interpretation of the archaeological evidence that is found in the different parts of the Arabian Gulf could reveal more secrets of the Ancient Dilmunites. Interestingly, Ancient names and traditions in the Arabian Gulf never cease to exist, no matter how many other civilizations and culture came to displace them. For example, the name of the Lord of Dilmun, Enki, is still used by the local people in the region of Qatif in the Eastern Province of Saudi Arabia. Although most locals don’t know the origin of such names, “Enuk”, a major town in the region of Qatif, traces its name back to the Dilmun God, Enki- the God of fish. The exposure of such links that connect modern history to the ancient one would enhance our understanding of both the modern and the ancient people who have lived in this region. ). Archaeologists deem ancient Dilmun to be “the first land in the world perhaps to be accorded this sacred character” (Rice 1985, 122). At the same time, “Dilmun was the operational nerve center for this early Gulf and Arabian sea-trade”, (Possehl, 220). Studying both the material as well as the religious significance of Dilmun would definitely elucidate the origins of the history that we know; namely, the values of Western societies as well as their great three monotheistic faiths can be better understood when scholars examine evidence collectively rather than separately.

Bibliography

1)      Rice, Michael. Search for the Paradise Land: an Introduction to the Archaeology of Bahrain and the Arabian Gulf, from the Earliest Times to the Death of Alexander the Great. London and New York: Longman, 1985.

2)      Potts, T. F. The Arabian Gulf in Antiquity: From Prehistory to the Fall of the Achaemenid Empire. Oxford: Clarendon, 1990.

3)      Crawford, Harriet. Dilmun and Its Gulf Neighbors. Cambridge: University Press, 1998.

4)      Scarre, Christopher, and Fagan, Brian. Ancient Civilizations 2^nd ed. New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 2003.

5)      Possehl, Gregory L. “The Indus Civilization: A Comparative Perspective”. New York: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.