Dilmun: a Human Paradise

Dilmun: a Human Paradise

In the ancient near-east, several civilizations emerged and constituted the first cities in the world. In particular, the Arabian-Gulf region was to experience several of those civilizations in a very unique way. The region formed a medium in which within it the first civilizations of the world came into contact with one another. Specifically, the Arabian Gulf came to play a major role in the early development of those civilizations in the period from c. 3300 to c. 2200 BC, (Rice 1985, 8). This important role initiated the civilization of Dilmun. Furthermore, Dilmun was an ancient civilization that flourished from 3500 B.C. to 700 B.C. For over almost three thousand years Dilmun’s society experienced different phases and developed gradually into a more complex society that, indeed, contributed to the prosperity of its neighboring civilizations; namely in Mesopotamia, Persia, and the Indus Valley. Taking in consideration the changes that Dilmun experienced during that period, we can divide the history of Dilmun into five phases. The first is between 3500 B.C. and 3000 B.C. This phase was the formative phase of the civilization in which it first developed its trading relations with the Uruk civilization in Mesopotamia. Additionally, there was also an increase in settlements at that period. Secondly, from 3000 to 2300 BC., Dilmun flourished with the establishment of firm trade-relations with the Sumerians during the beginning of the Early Dynastic period in Mesopotamia. It was during this time that the notion of Dilmun’s ‘holiness’ began to infuse in the region. Thirdly, at 2300 BC. Sargon, the great, made his conquest of Dilmun and destroyed its cities. At about 2200 B.C. after the end of the Sargoinc dynasty, Dilmun began to flourish again, but this time in an attempt to strengthen its defenses, the state built walls surrounding their cities. During this period and until 1700 BC., Dilmun experienced tributary relations with both Old-Babylon and Elam. Fourthly, after the fall of the Elamites in Persia and the rise of the Kassites, Dilmun became under the rule of the Kassites in c.1500 BC. Finally, in the last period of Dilmun, and as revealed by Assyrian records, a durable system of kingship developed. By then, the kings of Dilmun substantiated the city-state structure of their civilization. To better understand the ancient and even modern history, scholars examine the social, religious, economic and political structure of each ancient civilization. Taking into consideration that the Gulf region witnessed the rise of the first civilizations on earth, this paper will study the different attributes of the society of Dilmun, and the elements it shared with those emerging civilizations.

            In the context of this paper, the Arabian Gulf is going to be divided into four major areas: Mesopotamia in the North, the Persian coast, which includes Elam and Kassite civilizations, Magan, referring to modern day Oman, in the South, and Dilmun on the East Arabian coast. “It would be reasonable to suggest that it was only in the later third millennium, when commercial contacts became more regular and more important, that sailors knew the seas well enough to be able to subdivide the great area to the south, known as the Lower Sea, into different geographical parts, each of which then received its own name” (Crawford 1998, 5)

            One of the major geographical and topographical advantages of the Arabian coast of the Gulf, over the Persian coast, is its flatness and the absence of mountains, high hills or rigid stones. Those advantages would later account for the intensity of information and activity found on the Western shores of the Arabian Gulf. Further, such conformity in the topography of the western shores of the Gulf would help account for the extent of the Dilmun civilization and culture. This identical topographical layout is not only evident along the north western shores of the Gulf but also among the neighboring islands, especially Bahrain and Failakah. Further, similar to the few exceptional oases in the neighboring Arabian coast, “much of Bahrain is desert, sharply contrasting with the northern limits of the island which are richly fertile” (Rice 1985, 126). In an attempt to connect Dilmun’s mythology to its environment Crawford proposes that “to the early voyagers a landfall near these groves must have seemed like an evidence of the protection of a powerful god, whose presence might be manifested at any moment” (Rice 1985, 128).  Such similarity between Bahrain and the Arabian coast imply that the state of Dilmun could have extended beyond the Bahrain Island to encompass the entire East Arabian coast. “The two areas are, of course, very close to each other both geographically and culturally. By the late third millennium the material cultures of the two were almost identical” (Crawford 1998, 5).

            The Eastern Province of Saudi Arabia and Bahrain, along with the Island of Failakah in Kuwait, define the limits of the Dilmun state. Beside the archaeological evidence, the goods that Dilmun was said to be export to Mesopotamia existed in small amounts on the Bahrain Island. Instead, the mainland of Eastern Arabia was a major resource for surplus exportation. In fact, Rice says that “the dates of Dilmun were always specially favored in ancient times and probably the best of them came from the oasis of Qatif and Hofuf in Saudi Arabia, another indication of the likely extent of Dilmun’s territories” (Rice 1985, 87). Furthermore, Crawford argues that the first contacts between Mesopotamia and Dilmun existed on the mainland ports rather on the island (Crawford 1998, 5). In fact, archaeological evidence indicate that Tarut the island, which is a two miles away from the mainland, served as port in which Dilmunite merchants from both the island and the mainland established colonies to exchange their goods (Rice 1985, 215). Also, there’s possible evidence that Tarut was used by Dilmun officials and administrators to monitor the shipment of goods, (Potts 1990, 67).   On the other hand, the Island of Failakah, which is about 200 miles away from the Bahrain Island, served as another port which was probably, due to geographical proximity, more specific to Mesopotamian related trade. Finally, Crawford asserts Dilmun extension throughout the gulf by taking later history of the area and comparing them to the ancient past of Dilmun: “further support for the suggestion that the same geographical name might have been used for both the islands and parts of the mainland come, by analogy, from the early Islamic period when the name Bahrain also covered large areas of the mainland” (Crawford 1998, 6).

Moreover, climatic changes can extensively affect the study of any civilization. On the one hand, droughts, and famines affect the farming industry by influencing the fertility of the soil. On the other hand, the change of sea nature affects the nature of harbors and bays and can, to a great extent, affect the fishing industry. Specifically, there used to be small rivers around the Alhasa and certainly Qatif Oases, which are on the mainland of Eastern Arabia that survived the early fourth millennium B.C.  Crawford comments that “these more hospitable conditions certainly allowed for the development of one large village site of fourth-millennium” (Crawford 1998, 9). The decline of such a lacustrine system from Eastern Arabia, in all probabilities, had a great impact on the economy. Such regression could also account for the decline of the Dilmun civilization as well as the Mesopotamian-Indus trade route. In this regard, Rice asserts that “the gulf is significantly lower today that it was in the fourth and early third millennium” (Rice 1985, 278). Crawford agree saying that “The changing sea levels would have had consequences for fresh water supplies as well as for the positioning of harbors and waterways” (Crawford 1998, 144). These changes must have had a deep impact on the availability of freshwater in those pure water springs. Further, Crawford argues that, through hydrostatic pressure, the variations of sea levels must have diminished such availability, (Crawford 1998, 9).

            To begin with, because all parts of the Dilmun civilization were surrounded by the sea, fish were the most vital ecological resource to the entire area, and it continuous to be so today. Fish was not only valuable for their meal-value, but they also were important in other industries as well. In fact, “fish was traditionally used in the Gulf region as a fodder for animals and as fertilizer, in addition to providing food for man himself” (Crawford 1998, 145). At the same time, the sea was not the only a source of fish but it was a source for Oysters. Rice confirms that and says that “Oyster middens of great antiquity on Bahraini and other sites suggest that the oyster beds were fished for pearls and not simply for an elegant addition to the diet of the region’s ” (Rice 1985, 20).

            On the other hand, the abundant fertile soils on the mainland and on the island made agriculture a basic resource for both the people of Dilmun and their neighboring nations: “It seems likely that Bahrain’s exceptional fertility and the fact that the island was well-wooded contributed to her value as a metal-working centre” (Rice 1985, 132). The economy of the region and its survival highly depended on the cultivation of dates and garlic (Rice 1985, 18). Further, the prominence of agricultural products such as dates, onions as well as timber suggests that the area had an exceptional unique character despite the fact that it was surrounded with arid deserts. The secret to such agricultural abundance is the extensive, and rather ‘magical’, presence of pure water springs all over the mainland and the island of Bahrain. Surprisingly, the water springs even existed in the midst of the desert, forming small oases. What’s more, the pure water springs also existed directly beside the very salty sea. Such ‘magical existence’ and dispersion of the water springs can contribute to evidence that accounts for the attached holiness to the land and how people of the surrounding lands, such as the Sumerians, deemed it to be a heavenly land. Also, what confirms such notions of holiness, beside the Sumerian texts especially the epic of Gilgamesh, is the presence of thousands of tombs dispersed all over the mainland and the island. Rice says that this suggests “that there must have been some sort of mortuary cult in Dilmun as a whole” (Rice 1985, 160).

Mythology and religion make all-embracing contributions to the culture of Dilmun. A key element in understanding the components that made up the Dilmunite society is examining the Dilmunite symbology. Diverse symbols are dispersed all over the archaeological evidence found in the land of Dilmun. Each of these symbols reflected both the ecological resources of the land and the material needs of the Dilmunite society. First, the Unicorn symbol, which was represented sometimes as a bull and others as Bucranium, held great significance in Dilmun’s mythology. Such significance might be attributed to the fact that the Oryx used to be a prominent ‘king’ of the Arabian deserts that surrounded Dilmun (Rice 1985, 122). As we shall see later, it appears to be that Dilmun’s priests used ‘harp bulls’ regularly as sacrificial objects. In fact, archaeologists found depictions on seals that reveal a bull and an axe in what appears to be a sacrificial position, (Rice 1985, 206). Secondly, the scorpion symbols, which, too, are widely popular in different pottery and seals, referred to the actual existence of them all over the Bahrain Island. In fact, scorpions are still widely dispersed all over Bahrain. It was also believed that scorpions and Bucraniums were used as a symbol of protection. Specifically, scorpions were found in great abundance in Diraz, a sight which is famous for its royal tombs (Rice 1985, 198). Thirdly, another animal that occupied a less prominent role in Dilmun’s symbology are birds.  At one of the famous and central temples in Dilmun, the Temple of Barbar, archaeologists found a bronze statue for a bird, (Rice 1985, 149). Apparently, birds were deemed as holy sky protectors of the temple. Another probability would be that they were sacrificed to the Gods: “There is evidence that animals were tethered to pierced stone blocks in the sacrificial area of the temple”, (Rice 1985, 206). Fourthly and one of the last prominent symbols is the ibex. It takes prominent presence on a considerable number of seals. In fact, on some of the seals, the ibex is placed in juxtaposition with other sky elements (Rice 1985, 199).

 In addition to being carved on to buildings, temples, pottery, and tombs, symbols were most valuable to the seals industry. This is because the seals industry was used not only in identifying dead people tombs and which families they belonged to, but more importantly used in trade: “The Dilmun seals are different in that they often contain groupings of apparently random elements; but the repetition of certain ones, the ibex, gazelle, goat, Bucranium, bird, tree, foot, scorpion and others in a variety of permutations, suggests that each element had a particular significance” (Rice 1985, 199). Most of the symbols that were prevalent around Dilmun expressed their cosmology. Symbols were attached to good and even concepts. Even more, many symbols honored the fertility of men and women and attached to certain animals, (Rice 1985, 199).

Other indirect symbols are mostly found when it comes to examining the physical positions of graves and religious temples. For example, parallel and right across from the strong and skillfully built doorways of the tombs you can watch the sunrise. This popular trend among the tombs suggests “elements of a solar faith, and the recognition of the son’s divinity” (Rice 1985, 161). One interesting fact is that the name of the sun-God of Dilmun, Shams in Akkadian language, which was used by Dilmun merchants suggesting their literacy, is the same word for the sun in Arabic. In fact, there are several other examples where the son came as a symbol of worship. On one of the Seals found on the Bahrain Island, there’s a depiction of two men drinking from the same pot and the Sun is centered above them. Scholars deem such practice, which is called the ‘symposium’, as a method of worship (Rice 1985, 202)

On the other hand, because of the significance of dates as both a source of food and a valuable trading good, palm-trees and dates are evident throughout Dilmun’s symbology. Specifically, palm-trees are also deemed to hold a significance that equals that of the sun, if not more. On another seal found beside the former one, there’s a depiction of two men “gesticulating (socially) at each other by a palm-tree, this time with the moon’s crescent riding over them” (Rice 1985, 202). Further, the appearance of the crescent on the seal in similar position as the sun in the former one also suggests that the moon held a significant part of Dilmun’s cosmology. In fact, the crescent held supreme importance in Arabian pre-Islamic symbology. Such significance might be traced to the ancient Dilmunites:

“The successive levels of Sin temples found at Khafajah show that from the earliest times, the moon-god was divinity to which worship was elaborately given. It has been observed that the moon is the prototype of the universal god to desert people and that the Semitic tribes followed this practice. Moon Temples were built by the pre-Islamic Arabs who, like their ancestors, considered the planet mild and beneficent and understandable view for a people who had to endure the daily torments of the sun at its height” (Rice 1985, 153).

Moreover, Rice and Potts both confirm that most of Dilmun’s mythology and religious practices were very similar to those of the Sumerians. Both the Dilmunites and the Sumerian had a deep veneration toward fish. In fact, Enki, who is the highest God of Dilmun and the symbol of Dilmunites in Sumerian texts, was associated with the fish, (Rice 1985, 104). Convincingly, fish-cults were established in the region since pre-Dilmun history, dating back to the Ubaids, (Rice 1985, 20). On the other hand, the presence of the pure water-springs, which was unique to the land of Dilmun, was heavenly incorporated into its religious mythology. For instance, in one of the Sumerian texts, Inanna, the goddess who is associated with Enki, and thus with Dilmun, herself announced ‘I am Inanna of the place where the sun rises’. This reminds us of the solar faith that Dilmun’s religion reflected. Also, later she says that she ‘washed her head in the fountain of Dilmun’. Rice claims that it might be a “reference perhaps to the many fresh water springs which may be found in the north of the island, and more surprisingly, in the sea itself which divides Bahrain from the mainland of Arabia” (Rice 1985, 103). On the other hand, it seems that the Dilmunites had complex beliefs of the after-life. Evidence of pottery, “Copper and bronze artifacts, swords, daggers and dress ornaments” in the tombs suggest that they believed in “means of sustaining the spirit after death”, (Rice 1985, 163). 

            On the other hand, throughout the Bahrain Island, which is deemed to be the capital of Dilmun, there are a number of building that still survive throughout the different cities of the Island. One of the most densely populated cities on the Island was a site now called Qala’at al-Bahrain. Moreover, one of the most significant attributes of the site, which reflect the particular building skills of the Dilmunites is that the walls of that surround the city and form the buildings were made “remarkably well” that they still survive for over four thousand years (Rice 1985, 132). In addition, the site contains a number of huge buildings which archaeologists believe that they were used as storage rooms for dates. Most probably, dates would have been stored in those warehouses until they’re used for different purposes, which include trade, juice-making, and cuisine, (Rice 1985, 88).

            Further, Dilmun was deemed to be a holy land and thus had to possess many temples, which were dispersed in different parts of the island and the mainland. One of the most famous temples in which archaeologists found extensive information regarding the religious beliefs and practices of the Dilmunites is the “Barbar Temple.” The temple covers a vast area which is surrounded by outer walls. Evidence of dog bones, suggested that dogs were used as guardians that can alert the priests for any disturbances, (Rice 1985, 145). Within the temple there’s a vast empty area that was designed, most probably, to accommodate the Dilmunites sacrificial practices to the Gods. Within this vast empty area, archaeologists found a small copper rattle, which they deemed to be used as musical instrument that would facilitate the priestly chanting, (Rice 1985, 128). On the other hand, inside one of the storage rooms within the temples, archaeologists found a great amount of silver, bronze, and copper deposits. “This, itself, is of some significance since the mercantile Dilmun, the secular counterpart of Dilmun the sacred land, depended on the copper trade for its exceptional prosperity” (Rice 1985, 145). Thus, inside the temple there are different practices that venerate the variety of resources which the survival of the civilization of Dilmun hinges upon. Further, this can even be seen as a celebration of life, and a veneration of a civilized way of life. Also, such presence of relatively luxurious artifacts and resources might signify a social or political power or influence that priests practiced over the people and the King of Dilmun. The fact that priests conducted rituals and ceremonies in a state of nudity, which usually characterizes royalty, supports such an argument (Rice 1985, 217). Even more, on several Dilmun seals there are depictions of sexual intercourse, (Rice 1985, 201). This also might indicate the possibility that “divine sexual intercourse” was part of their religious system.

            Moreover, right across from the storage room, archaeologists found a Well or possibly a bath.  “The well, like so much of Barbar, is constructed from finely cut stone blocks, from stone brought from Bahrain’s nearby island, Jidda” (Rice 1985, 144). In attempt to understand better the role of the well, Crawford identified channels that extend from the sacred well at the temple, (Crawford 1998, 63). Such channels can be seen as irrigation techniques that extend to the fertile soil of Dilmun originating from their religious temple. Such origination must be interpreted in terms of the notion of ‘Holly-Land’ that surrounds Dilmun. The agricultural industry is the main supplier of Dilmun’s trading goods. To ensure such fertility the waters that irrigate the soil must be blessed. On the other hand, this reminds us of the holly fountains that the Goddess Inanna claimed to wash herself with.

            Furthermore, because of the variety of resources and the needs to manage them, the society of Dilmun was rather more complex than we would imagine. In the beginning “we can suggest the presence of a relatively unstratified society, probably of diverse origins, abased in the main on the nuclear family as the basic unit” (Crawford 1998, 145). Later on, those small families became gradually specialized in different fields of industry, (Crawford 1998, 145). Because of the significance of trade, merchants became distinguished for their prestige, and thus a class of elites developed. Because of this increasing complexity of the Dilmun society, priests emerge as the true managers of the society. The priests, hence, secured the stability of the society and ensured the absence of any friction between the different classes of society. The ruling class, which includes the king, functions as national symbol of unity and pride. This royal class, most probably functioned as a symbol that offers a stronger common identity to the Dilmunites.  The king’s most valuable role is the management of Dilmun’s international relations with civilizations that extend as far and as important as Egypt (Rice, 1985, 64).

In regard of the different classes that existed in Dilmun, archaeological evidence suggests that the Dilmunites were not actually a stratified society. Instead, those different families, which later became extensive, seem to share an evenly-spread material repertoire.  Again, such a shared cultural sphere was probably utilized to develop a common identity for the Dilmunites. Also, as Crawford suggests, there was a localized distribution of goods all over Dilmun. Such distribution would have certainly promoted “economic interdependence”, (Crawford 1998, 145). Another factor that supports the semi-egalitarian structure of Dilmun’s society is their relative racial homogeneity. That’s not to say that Dilmun wasn’t diverse, but archaeological evidence of their skulls indicates that most Dilmunites “were Caucasoid in racial affiliation”, (Rice 1985, 159). Also the diet of the Dilmunites seem to be equally high in carbohydrates, which probably indicates that the dates, which Dilmun was famous for, represented a major part of their daily diet, (Rice 1985, 159). Additionally, examinations of skeletal remains suggest that Dilmunites didn’t experience any major diseases, and thus lived longer, in contrast to the rest of their region, (Rice 1985, 167).  This, along with the fact that Dilmunites were “taller than their present-day successors”, (Rice 1985, 158), would have been a reasonable factor for their neighbors to deem Dilmun as ‘holy’.

The different, specialized-families that composed the society of Dilmun occupied diverse jobs. First, there were the architects, who were responsible in building temples, monuments, trading ports, and possibly, royal palaces. Secondly, you have the class of the fishermen who compose the majority of the society of Dilmun, as they still do in modern times. There’s evidence which “indicates that a number of different fishing techniques were used and in addition to hooks, for which there is direct archaeological evidence, nets and traps were almost certainly known.” (Crawford 1998, 145) Thirdly, you have the class of farmers and peasants, though they’re not the largest, yet they compose a big proportion of the population. This class dealt with the cultivation of onions, garlic palm-trees, and possibly cereal. They also developed a variety of usages of dates: “The distillation of liquor also played a part in the early Dilmun economy and rooms specially designed for the pressing of date juice demonstrate the antiquity of a process which may still be seen in use in parts of Arabia” (Rice 1985, 1132). Fourthly, there’s the class of the metal and copper smelting people. As raw copper comes from the land of Magan to Dilmun through trade, a need for smelting arose. Following such establishment of smelting workshops all over Dilmun, helped it gain popularity in the ancient world as a center for producing bronze artifacts.  Fifthly, there’s the class which deals with cattle and domestication. This class supplies the state with the required means of land-transportation for the elites. It also supplies the religious-priests class with the required number of goats or unicorns which will be sacrificed to the gods. The sixth class is the one which deals with ship-building. Dilmun was famous for its ships, “Sargon speaks proudly of the ships of Dilmun riding fearlessly at anchor in the harbor of Agade”, (Rice 1985, 75). The seventh class is the religious class, the priests. As previously described, the priests didn’t only play a religious role, but instead they were the security forces whose job was to maintain the coherence of the Dilmun society. Crawford comments: “There is one other class of specialist for whom there is convincing evidence and that is the priest. The number and variety of temples is remarkable” (Crawford 1998, 146). The eighth class is that of the merchants, who were famous beyond Dilmun and all over the Gulf area. Ancient Babylonian texts reveal that, due to the reputable proficiency of Dilmun’s traders, they used their names as a synonym for ‘trader’, which they called “lu-tilmun-a,” (Rice 1985, 182). Finally, there’s the royal class which include the king. The so-called royal tombs in the center of the Bahrain Island demonstrate the existence of such a class. In fact, in one of those tombs archaeologists found, beside the bronze artifacts, a body position on “a bed decorated with ivory carvings and ornaments” (Rice 1985, 163).

In this regard, the presence of an Elite class, and even a royal family, is evident in the luxurious pottery and bronze artifacts, swords as well as intricate dress ornaments that archaeologists found in some of the tombs on the island of Bahrain. In this regard, Rice also mentions that those tombs were “exceptionally large” and that they were of “impressive heights”, (Rice 1985, 164). Additionally, Ur-Nanshe, the king of Lagash, is mentioned in one of the texts to “receive tribute from Dilmun in the twenty sixth century BC.”, (Rice 1985, 210). This indicates that not only did the land of Dilmun have a central authority, but that they also had a tributary relationship with the kings of Mesopotamia at that time. On the other hand, the elite class probably included the merchants who were engaged in heavy trade within Dilmun as well as surrounding civilizations such as the Sumerians, Elamits and the Indus Valley (Rice 1985, 182). As Potts suggests, merchants established colonies in the port cities which they traded with. Potts also claims that merchant moved back and forth with their families, (Potts 1990, 181). From such statements we can infer that traveling across nations was a practice that distinguished the elites from the commoners. Also, this may indicate that some of the royal family themselves engaged in trade. Both Rice and Crawford suggest that those merchant and their families, were literate since Akkadian was the language employed throughout the trading Gulf network. Because of the explosion of trade that occurred in the middle of the third millennium BC, the Dilmunites needed to keep track of their increasingly complex system of trade, (Crawford 1998, 94). In such context, scholars such as Crawford and Rice propose that the Dilmunites developed a system of writing, which could be highly similar to that of Mesopotamia. Possible evidence includes the use of stamp seals all over Dilmun. Stamp seals are most conveniently used with “perishable material such as palm leaves or parchment, using inks or dyes from natural sources such as cuttlefish” (Crawford 1998, 18).

Meanwhile, the diverse classification of responsibilities, which were well-spread among society according to the availability of resources, triggered Dilmun to develop a variety of skills and technologies that, as we will see, enhanced Dilmun’s role in the trading route in the Arabian Gulf. First, because of the abundance of palm-trees in the region, Dilmun utilized dates, which they deemed holy, in creating a special kind of juice. “The distillation of liquor also played a part in the early Dilmun economy and rooms specially designed for the pressing of date juice demonstrate the antiquity of a process which may still be seen in use in parts of Arabia” (Rice 1985, 132). Both the dates and the intoxicating juices were one of the top indigenous goods that Dilmun exported to the rest of the region.  In fact, palm-trees were not indigenous to Mesopotamia, and, archaeological evidence suggests that they were inherited and brought over from Dilmun, (Rice 1985, 54). Again, this would have been a very good reason that could account for the Sumerian veneration of Dilmun, especially that palm-trees were very significant in Sumerian mythology.  Apparently, the Dilmunites used the fibers of the palm-trees to create a type of linen. Potts provides evidence that Mesopotamian kings enjoyed those linens, especially in certain festivals. The skillful decorations of cult symbols and gods are evident on the linens, (Potts 1990, 183). Crawford agrees and says that “Date fibers woven into baskets and mats are good evidence that there was a plentiful local supply”, (Crawford 1998, 63). As mentioned before, irrigation techniques were definitely used in the island, especially that palm-trees were less prominent on the island than on the mainland. Also, the several Mesopotamian texts, which say that timber was heavily imported from the land of Dilmun itself, indicate that the Dilmunites must have developed extensive simple irrigation techniques, (Rice 1985, 81). Incidentally, because dates were of part of the Dilmunites daily diet, the remains of their teeth show cariosities. Surprisingly, to heal such caries, the Dilmunites developed sophisticated dental techniques: “A number of skulls have produced evidence of carious teeth extracted in life” (Rice 1985, 158).

On the other hand, fish was abundant all over the costs of Dilmun, and they symbolized Enki, the highest god of Dilmun. The increase in the population of Dilmun meant that more fish should be extracted of the sea. To satisfy those demands, the fishermen class developed different fishing techniques such as hooks, nets, and traps, (Crawford 1998, 145). Additionally, fishing techniques were, above all, important in the extraction of oysters, and thereby pearls, from the sea. “The Danish excavations identified  vast oyster middens on the island, dating back five thousand years and more, showing that the oyster was harvested from early times” (Rice 1985, 124). In addition, Crawford speculates that the Dilmunites used cuttlefish as writing material, (Crawford 1998, 18). Besides, there’s direct archeological evidence which reveals that Dilmunites used Fish as both fertilizer and fodder, (Crawford 1998, 9).

            In reference to the religious and secular buildings of Dilmun, there were probably different workshops that were dispersed all over the state to satisfy the needs of providing “fine-grained limestone-bricks” in every city. Notably, Dilmun is distinguished for such stone-bricks; especially since Mesopotamia were using clay at that time. Apparently, the Dilmun’s craftsmen skillfully followed the instructions of the architects who designed the cities’ buildings, (Rice 1985, 144). In agreement with this, Crawford says that “the seals, too, must have been produced by specialists, possibly from a single workshop in each area, in order to avoid repetition of designs” (Crawford 1998, 146). As mentioned before, there is ample evidence, which is found all over the state from the north in Failakah to the south in the mainland oases, of the existence of copper smelting shops.  In fact, Rice suggest that “small drills, of copper, bronze or stone were employed in cutting the  fine details of the design once the face of the seal had been prepared by grinding and polishing the surface” (Rice 1985, 195). No copper is naturally found in the land of Dilmun. Instead ore was shipped from Magan, at the port city of Umm an-Nar (current day Abu-Dhabi), through trade. This ore would probably later be distributed to the different smelting work-shops around Dilmun to convert it to ingot, (Rice 1985, 18). Moreover, ancient Mesopotamian texts claim that huge amounts of copper and bronze artifacts have been shipped from Dilmun. If this was true then Dilmun must’ve had an extensive smelting industry. In addition to having trade relations with Mesopotamia and Magan, archaeological evidence suggest that Dilmun received gold and iron from Egypt, carnelian from Ethiopia, Bronze from Zagros (in Persia) and silver from Amanus (in Turkey). What’s more, the same texts mention that Dilmun’s market places were filled, beside precious pearls, with semi-precious stones, ivory objects, combs, breastplates, ivory boxes, and ornaments for furniture, (Rice 1985, 81). In addition, archaeologists found copper rattles in some of the religious temples, suggesting that some of the priests formed a semi-orchestra during their rituals (Rice 1985, 128). Such findings indicate the level of skill and technology that Dilmunites achieved in the ancient times.

                                                Further, to facilitate both trade and fishing, the Dilmunite ship-builders developed special boats for fishing, and, also unique ships for long-distance trading, (Rice 1985, 78). All of those techniques were evenly distributed among Dilmun, even though the island was the center of the ‘nation’, especially around the important port-cities of the land of Dilmun: “The Tarut corpus includes nearly 200 with presentations of combatant snakes of felines, date-palms, scorpions, lions, or Imdugud birds(lion headed eagles), as well as a wide variety of naturalistic and geometric motifs, including the so-called ‘hut’ or temple facade, mat and rope weave, and cable, whirl, imbricate, and beveled square” (Potts 1990, 67).

            Above all, through trade, the Dilmunites were not only capable of gaining financial benefits. Instead, the Dilmun merchants traveled and exchanged goods with other civilizations. The most prominent trade relations are that with Mesopotamia and the Indus Valley civilizations, in which Dilmun functioned as a means of communication between the two distant civilizations. First, evidence of Arabian Gulf seals and metal artifacts confirm the travels of the Dilmun merchants and possibly suggest the existence of small merchant-based colonies in the Indus’ port cities, (Possehl, 227). What’s more, evidence which shows a startling resemblance between the Dilmun weight standards and that of the Indus Valley, also suggests that the Dilmunite merchants examined other civilizations and served a bigger role than just traders, (Possehl, 227). Further, many of the Dilmun seals were inscribed with characters of the mysterious Harappan script, ( Scarre 2003, 205). Even more, evidence of Monkey bones in Dilmunite lands, which weren’t indigenous to that area, suggest definite importation of exotic animals and products from the land of the Indus Valley, (Rice 1985, 201). Secondly, the trade relations with Mesopotamia, which were the earliest in the region, fundamentally initiated the development of the civilization of Dilmun. In addition to previously mentioned exported goods, Dilmun imported from Mesopotamia barely, cedar, oil, flour, silverware and fabulous dresses which were often selected by the king and queens themselves “in exchange for Dilmun’s copper and splendid dates” (Rice 1985, 177).

            In addition to their trade relations, Dilmun held a unique stance in Mesopotamian society. In fact, it was the frequent reference to Dilmun in the Mesopotamian text, especially the Sumerians ones, which triggered scholars to study such a civilization. In particular the Sumerians apparently studied the land of Dilmun and on the basis of their investigation they deemed the land to be holy. Rice says that “the subterranean waters of eastern Arabia and the central Gulf were a particularly powerful element in giving the region its reputation for sanctity and the special favor of gods” (Rice 1985, 103). Even though the Dilmun water springs didn’t affect them at all, the Sumerians believed that the Dilmun springs were the source of their rivers. According to their beliefs, the springs in the land of Dilmun were responsible for the vitality of their rivers, and thus Sumer. Also, the Sumerians wrote legends which indicate that Dilmun might have been their place of origin.  Actually, there’s archaeological evidence which suggest that there was an increase in population just before the start of the Early Dynastic period. Connecting the Sumerian legends with the evidence of migration might help better explain the ‘holy’ notions that seem to surround Dilmun. In other words, a migration of people from the Arabian Gulf region to Mesopotamian cities would definitely explain the “infusion of myths and legends which are centered on Bahrain-Dilmun”, (Rice 1985, 54).

            In conclusion, the society of Dilmun appears to have been made up of several fully urbanized settlements which interact with their surrounding smaller agricultural villages. This “craft-specialized society” was made up of different families divided into different classes according to their particular skills. Fisherman and pastoralists composed a large part of the society; yet administrators, merchants and metal-workers still represented a reasonable proportion of it, (Crawford 1998, 17). Taking that into consideration, we can conclude that Dilmun was a combination of city-states that were ruled by a King who symbolized the unity of the state. On the other hand, clearly, evidence suggests that the Dilmunites developed a cosmology of their own. The positioning of the ibex in juxtaposition with the sky, the arrangement of tombs along with the sunset, and the many central appearances of the sun on the seals, imply elements of a mysterious solar and even astronomical faith, (Rice 1985, 199).

            Furthermore, it would certainly be of great help if scholars considered the region as a whole rather than the Bahrain Island alone. A collective interpretation of the archaeological evidence that is found in the different parts of the Arabian Gulf could reveal more secrets of the Ancient Dilmunites. Interestingly, Ancient names and traditions in the Arabian Gulf never cease to exist, no matter how many other civilizations and culture came to displace them. For example, the name of the Lord of Dilmun, Enki, is still used by the local people in the region of Qatif in the Eastern Province of Saudi Arabia. Although most locals don’t know the origin of such names, “Enuk”, a major town in the region of Qatif, traces its name back to the Dilmun God, Enki- the God of fish. The exposure of such links that connect modern history to the ancient one would enhance our understanding of both the modern and the ancient people who have lived in this region. ). Archaeologists deem ancient Dilmun to be “the first land in the world perhaps to be accorded this sacred character” (Rice 1985, 122). At the same time, “Dilmun was the operational nerve center for this early Gulf and Arabian sea-trade”, (Possehl, 220). Studying both the material as well as the religious significance of Dilmun would definitely elucidate the origins of the history that we know; namely, the values of Western societies as well as their great three monotheistic faiths can be better understood when scholars examine evidence collectively rather than separately.

Bibliography

1)      Rice, Michael. Search for the Paradise Land: an Introduction to the Archaeology of Bahrain and the Arabian Gulf, from the Earliest Times to the Death of Alexander the Great. London and New York: Longman, 1985.

2)      Potts, T. F. The Arabian Gulf in Antiquity: From Prehistory to the Fall of the Achaemenid Empire. Oxford: Clarendon, 1990.

3)      Crawford, Harriet. Dilmun and Its Gulf Neighbors. Cambridge: University Press, 1998.

4)      Scarre, Christopher, and Fagan, Brian. Ancient Civilizations 2^nd ed. New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 2003.

5)      Possehl, Gregory L. “The Indus Civilization: A Comparative Perspective”. New York: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.

Kartini: a Quest for Freedom (Indonesia)

Kartini: a Quest for Freedom

Indonesia’s battle for Independence endured a gradual process that grew exponentially after World War II. Although the movement towards the unity and the independence of Indonesia didn’t take shape until 1908, the origins of the movement trace their roots to earlier pioneers. Further, Kartini’s revelations motivated and triggered Indonesian nationalism. Indeed, in response to her writings, Indonesian struggle for independence gradually developed to a profound revolution in Indonesian political, social and educational sphere. A symbol for Indonesian nationalism, Kartini took advantage of her environment and transformed the restraint imposed on her into innovative ideas, nationalist ambtions, and, most importantly, pioneering feminine thought. “He who does not dare does not win” (p.19), and because Kartini was the first one to dare, she eventually allowed her people to win something that they have longed for for hundreds of years.

Although Kartini lived to witness the age of Dutch Ethical Policy, she didn’t live to benefit from it. In all probabilities, Kartini would have certainly influenced the National revival of Indonesia if she had survived such a period of transformation.  The period of Ethical Policy raised the awareness of Indonesians and allowed them to further recognize the constructive aspects of Western political, economic and social life. Such awareness made Indonesians, both nobility and commoners demand and have access to extensive education. Because of the increasing number of educational institutions that were dispersed all over the Archipelago, knowledge was no more a privilege exclusive to the highest Javanese Elites. This development was critical into the awakening of Indonesian politics. As we will see, the historical development of Nationalism in Indonesia can be traced back and outlined in Karitini’s revelations.

To begin with, Kartini’s environment, shaped by her social and economic status, greatly influenced her later views on Javanese culture. Kartini was born into “Bupati” aristocratic social class. Belonging to such an aristocratic social status brought with it a great burden of responsibility, “To my mind there are only two kinds of aristocracy, the aristocracy of the mind , and the aristocracy of the soul-of those who are noble in spirit” (p.11). From her letters, Kartini reveals her great appreciation of her social status and the privileges she had access to through it. As an exchange for such a privellege, Kartini believed that it was her duty to bring change to her country, “And how will her people ever be awakened, when those who should serve as examples, themselves love sleep so much”p.8-9

First, part of belonging to such a status in Javanese society was to work for the Dutch. As a result, her father had extensive relations with Dutch officials and Dutch friends.  Being the daughter of an elite who deals with Dutch on daily basis, Kartini had the exclusive privilege to Dutch education.  The Bupati class played an intermediary role between the Dutch and the Native commoners.  Visiting various villages in and around Batavia was one of the daily activities that Kartini’s father had to do as part of his job.  Occasionally, he would take his children along with him.  Thus, at such a young age, Kartini was exposed to the struggles of the Native commoners. Such visits had a great impact on her Nationalist thoughts as she began to develop a stronger relation with her people. Those visits also helped her recognize a stream of setbacks that increased the difficulty of bringing change to her people.

On the other hand, the second and most important aspects of the Javanese Bupati culture was its commitment to social etiquettes, and it over-protective sexist treatment of women.  Although her father had occasionally broke some cultural norms, such as allowing her daughter to study Dutch and accompany him on some of his visits,  Kartini’s ambitions came to a severe halt because of cultural restrictions.  According to her traditional culture, Kartini was expected to remain home protected from the outside world until her parents arrange a marriage for her.  Though aware of his daughter’s ambitions, Kartini’s father was bound by his customs which he had an obligation to preserve. Such devoted sanctity toward tradition bothered Kartini and is a persisting theme of every letter that Kartini sent to Stella.  She utilized logic as her decisive factor in making judgments, “To me, it goes against the brain when people older than I creep in the dust before me” p. 43. Though she considered her self a Muslim, she questioned her faith and scrutinized it, “The Mohammedan law allows a man to have four wives at the same time. And though it be a thousand times over no sin according to the Mohammedan law and doctrine, I shall of ever call it a sin” p.17

Continuing her long persistence and resistance, Kartini took advantage of her knowledge of Dutch and began to transform the imprisonment imposed on her into a self-taught institutional of learning. To Kartini, reading was not just a means of seeking pleasure, though it was her only means. In fact, Kartini believed in education and she deemed learning as the ultimate path to freedom, self-awareness, and unity. Through out her letters, Kartini restates her dream of establishing a school system for all of her people, especially the women. Confined by her home-stay imprisonment, Kartini struggled to establish the least form of education that she can provide for her people.  Kartini greatly understood the specific aspects of her society. Because she recognized that school education is impossible to accomplish, as she couldn’t offer that to herself, Kartini launched a local program that aims at fostering technical skills. Her vocational program aimed particularly at attracting ordinary girls who were lived on the margin of society.  Recalling the conditions and the needs of the people from her childhood village visits, Kartini’s school were greatly concerned with wood-carving.  In general, wood-carving was the only job woman can do besides taking care of her husband and children. Kartini saw and experienced the distinct suffering that female members of society had to undergo. In her letters, Kartini doesn’t only complain about restrictions on women but she also expresses bewilderment of the idea itself.  In addition to her unique independent thinking, Kartini’s collection of books and newspaper articles furthered her hopes for the emancipation of Javanese women. Not only was she aware of the process of the development of feminism in Europe, but she extended such knowledge and tried to apply it and theorize it on her Javanese fellow individuals. Moreover, Kartini was knowledgeable enough of the uniqueness of her society that she refused to be a pseudo-European, “It is the greatest of all lies that any two human beings can think alike in everything. That cannot be; people who say that must be hypocrites” (p.9). In one of her early letters, she confirms that “Civilization is a blessing, but it has its dark side as well” (p.7). What’s more, she doesn’t idealize European culture but, in fact she points out to many features that she deem wrong.  For instance, “Kissing the foot is the highest token of respect that we Javanese can show to our parents, or elderly blood relatives, and to our won rulers. We do not find it pleasant to do this for strangers; no, the European makes himself ridiculous in our eyes whenever he demands from us those tokens of respect to which our won rulers alone have the right” p. 42

            The greatest achievement that made Kartini’s letters influential to both the Colonizers and the Natives, was her recognition of the significance of education in escaping backwardness and achieving prosperity and progress. She says: “Oh, now I understand why they are opposed to the education of the Javanese. When the Javanese becomes educated then he will no longer say amen to everything that is suggested to him by his superiors” (p.45). As a result,  Kartini made it clear in her letters that, though the Dutch are civilized and friendly, they aim at exploiting the people and the country’s resources. Stimulated by her commitment to her people and sense of duty, she promoted education as a means of revolting against repression and ending the colonization of South East Asian Archipelago. Partly in response to her demands, the age of ethical policy came to achieve Karitini’s dream and awaken the long sleeping Natives of Indonesia. What’s more, Kartini never benefited from the period of Ethical Policy. In her life, Kartini struggled to articulate her thoughts and voice her concerns to the citizens of her country. Taking this into consideration, one can speculate the great revolution that Kartini would have made during the Ethical Policy period had she survived it.